Showing posts with label Resource. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Resource. Show all posts

Monday, April 22, 2013

Resource Shock: How Resource Scarcity and Climate Change Could Produce a Global Explosion




Whether you know it or not, you’re on a new planet, a resource-shock world of a sort humanity has never before experienced.








To stay on top of important articles like these, sign up to receive the latest updates from TomDispatch.com here.


Brace yourself. You may not be able to tell yet, but according to global experts and the U.S. intelligence community, the earth is already shifting under you.  Whether you know it or not, you’re on a new planet, a resource-shock world of a sort humanity has never before experienced.


Two nightmare scenarios — a global scarcity of vital resources and the onset of extreme climate change — are already beginning to converge and in the coming decades are likely to produce a tidal wave of unrest, rebellion, competition, and conflict.  Just what this tsunami of disaster will look like may, as yet, be hard to discern, but experts warn of “water wars” over contested river systems, global food riots sparked by soaring prices for life’s basics, mass migrations of climate refugees (with resulting anti-migrant violence), and the breakdown of social order or the collapse of states.  At first, such mayhem is likely to arise largely in Africa, Central Asia, and other areas of the underdeveloped South, but in time all regions of the planet will be affected.


To appreciate the power of this encroaching catastrophe, it’s necessary to examine each of the forces that are combining to produce this future cataclysm.


Resource Shortages and Resource Wars


Start with one simple given: the prospect of future scarcities of vital natural resources, including energy, water, land, food, and critical minerals.  This in itself would guarantee social unrest, geopolitical friction, and war.


It is important to note that absolute scarcity doesn’t have to be on the horizon in any given resource category for this scenario to kick in.  A lack of adequate supplies to meet the needs of a growing, ever more urbanized and industrialized global population is enough.  Given the wave of extinctions that scientists are recording, some resources — particular species of fish, animals, and trees, for example — will become less abundant in the decades to come, and may even disappear altogether.  But key materials for modern civilization like oil, uranium, and copper will simply prove harder and more costly to acquire, leading to supply bottlenecks and periodic shortages.


Oil — the single most important commodity in the international economy — provides an apt example.  Although global oil supplies may actually grow in the coming decades, many experts doubt that they can be expanded sufficiently to meet the needs of a rising global middle class that is, for instance, expected to buy millions of new cars in the near future.  In its 2011 World Energy Outlook, the International Energy Agency claimed that an anticipated global oil demand of 104 million barrels per day in 2035 will be satisfied.  This, the report suggested, would be thanks in large part to additional supplies of “unconventional oil” (Canadian tar sands, shale oil, and so on), as well as 55 million barrels of new oil from fields “yet to be found” and “yet to be developed.”


However, many analysts scoff at this optimistic assessment, arguing that rising production costs (for energy that will be ever more difficult and costly to extract), environmental opposition, warfare, corruption, and other impediments will make it extremely difficult to achieve increases of this magnitude.  In other words, even if production manages for a time to top the 2010 level of 87 million barrels per day, the goal of 104 million barrels will never be reached and the world’s major consumers will face virtual, if not absolute, scarcity.


Water provides another potent example.  On an annual basis, the supply of drinking water provided by natural precipitation remains more or less constant: about 40,000 cubic kilometers.  But much of this precipitation lands on Greenland, Antarctica, Siberia, and inner Amazonia where there are very few people, so the supply available to major concentrations of humanity is often surprisingly limited.  In many regions with high population levels, water supplies are already relatively sparse.  This is especially true of North Africa, Central Asia, and the Middle East, where the demand for water continues to grow as a result of rising populations, urbanization, and the emergence of new water-intensive industries.  The result, even when the supply remains constant, is an environment of increasing scarcity.


Wherever you look, the picture is roughly the same: supplies of critical resources may be rising or falling, but rarely do they appear to be outpacing demand, producing a sense of widespread and systemic scarcity.  However generated, a perception of scarcity — or imminent scarcity — regularly leads to anxiety, resentment, hostility, and contentiousness.  This pattern is very well understood, and has been evident throughout human history.


In his book Constant Battles, for example, Steven LeBlanc, director of collections for Harvard’s Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, notes that many ancient civilizations experienced higher levels of warfare when faced with resource shortages brought about by population growth, crop failures, or persistent drought. Jared Diamond, author of the bestseller Collapse, has detected a similar pattern in Mayan civilization and the Anasazi culture of New Mexico’s Chaco Canyon.  More recently, concern over adequate food for the home population was a significant factor in Japan’s invasion of Manchuria in 1931 and Germany’s invasions of Poland in 1939 and the Soviet Union in 1941, according to Lizzie Collingham, author of The Taste of War.


Although the global supply of most basic commodities has grown enormously since the end of World War II, analysts see the persistence of resource-related conflict in areas where materials remain scarce or there is anxiety about the future reliability of supplies.  Many experts believe, for example, that the fighting in Darfur and other war-ravaged areas of North Africa has been driven, at least in part, by competition among desert tribes for access to scarce water supplies, exacerbated in some cases by rising population levels.


“In Darfur,” says a 2009 report from the U.N. Environment Programme on the role of natural resources in the conflict, “recurrent drought, increasing demographic pressures, and political marginalization are among the forces that have pushed the region into a spiral of lawlessness and violence that has led to 300,000 deaths and the displacement of more than two million people since 2003.”


Anxiety over future supplies is often also a factor in conflicts that break out over access to oil or control of contested undersea reserves of oil and natural gas.  In 1979, for instance, when the Islamic revolution in Iran overthrew the Shah and the Soviets invaded Afghanistan, Washington began to fear that someday it might be denied access to Persian Gulf oil.  At that point, President Jimmy Carter promptly announced what came to be called the Carter Doctrine.  In his 1980 State of the Union Address, Carter affirmed that any move to impede the flow of oil from the Gulf would be viewed as a threat to America’s “vital interests” and would be repelled by “any means necessary, including military force.”


In 1990, this principle was invoked by President George H.W. Bush to justify intervention in the first Persian Gulf War, just as his son would use it, in part, to justify the 2003 invasion of Iraq.  Today, it remains the basis for U.S. plans to employ force to stop the Iranians from closing the Strait of Hormuz, the strategic waterway connecting the Persian Gulf to the Indian Ocean through which about 35% of the world’s seaborne oil commerce  passes.


Recently, a set of resource conflicts have been rising toward the boiling point between China and its neighbors in Southeast Asia when it comes to control of offshore oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea.  Although the resulting naval clashes have yet to result in a loss of life, a strong possibility of military escalation exists.  A similar situation has also arisen in the East China Sea, where China and Japan are jousting for control over similarly valuable undersea reserves.  Meanwhile, in the South Atlantic Ocean, Argentina and Britain are once again squabbling over the Falkland Islands (called Las Malvinas by the Argentinians) because oil has been discovered in surrounding waters.


By all accounts, resource-driven potential conflicts like these will only multiply in the years ahead as demand rises, supplies dwindle, and more of what remains will be found in disputed areas.  In a 2012 study titled Resources Futures, the respected British think-tank Chatham House expressed particular concern about possible resource wars over water, especially in areas like the Nile and Jordan River basins where several groups or countries must share the same river for the majority of their water supplies and few possess the wherewithal to develop alternatives.  “Against this backdrop of tight supplies and competition, issues related to water rights, prices, and pollution are becoming contentious,” the report noted.  “In areas with limited capacity to govern shared resources, balance competing demands, and mobilize new investments, tensions over water may erupt into more open confrontations.”


Heading for a Resource-Shock World


Tensions like these would be destined to grow by themselves because in so many areas supplies of key resources will not be able to keep up with demand.  As it happens, though, they are not “by themselves.”  On this planet, a second major force has entered the equation in a significant way.  With the growing reality of climate change, everything becomes a lot more terrifying.


Normally, when we consider the impact of climate change, we think primarily about the environment — the melting Arctic ice cap or Greenland ice shield, rising global sea levels, intensifying storms, expanding deserts, and endangered or disappearing species like the polar bear.  But a growing number of experts are coming to realize that the most potent effects of climate change will be experienced by humans directly through the impairment or wholesale destruction of habitats upon which we rely for food production, industrial activities, or simply to live.  Essentially, climate change will wreak its havoc on us by constraining our access to the basics of life: vital resources that include food, water, land, and energy.  This will be devastating to human life, even as it significantly increases the danger of resource conflicts of all sorts erupting.


We already know enough about the future effects of climate change to predict the following with reasonable confidence:


  • Rising sea levels will in the next half-century erase many coastal areas, destroying large cities, critical infrastructure (including roads, railroads, ports, airports, pipelines, refineries, and power plants), and prime agricultural land.

  • Diminished rainfall and prolonged droughts will turn once-verdant croplands into dust bowls, reducing food output and turning millions into “climate refugees.”

  • More severe storms and intense heat waves will kill crops, trigger forest fires, cause floods, and destroy critical infrastructure.

No one can predict how much food, land, water, and energy will be lost as a result of this onslaught (and other climate-change effects that are harder to predict or even possibly imagine), but the cumulative effect will undoubtedly be staggering.  In Resources Futures, Chatham House offers a particularly dire warning when it comes to the threat of diminished precipitation to rain-fed agriculture.  “By 2020,” the report says, “yields from rain-fed agriculture could be reduced by up to 50%” in some areas.  The highest rates of loss are expected to be in Africa, where reliance on rain-fed farming is greatest, but agriculture in China, India, Pakistan, and Central Asia is also likely to be severely affected.


Heat waves, droughts, and other effects of climate change will also reduce the flow of many vital rivers, diminishing water supplies for irrigation, hydro-electricity power facilities, and nuclear reactors (which need massive amounts of water for cooling purposes).  The melting of glaciers, especially in the Andes in Latin America and the Himalayas in South Asia, will also rob communities and cities of crucial water supplies.  An expected increase in the frequency of hurricanes and typhoons will pose a growing threat to offshore oil rigs, coastal refineries, transmission lines, and other components of the global energy system.


The melting of the Arctic ice cap will open that region to oil and gas exploration, but an increase in iceberg activity will make all efforts to exploit that region’s energy supplies perilous and exceedingly costly.  Longer growing seasons in the north, especially Siberia and Canada’s northern provinces, might compensate to some degree for the desiccation of croplands in more southerly latitudes.  However, moving the global agricultural system (and the world’s farmers) northward from abandoned farmlands in the United States, Mexico, Brazil, India, China, Argentina, and Australia would be a daunting prospect.


It is safe to assume that climate change, especially when combined with growing supply shortages, will result in a significant reduction in the planet’s vital resources, augmenting the kinds of pressures that have historically led to conflict, even under better circumstances.  In this way, according to the Chatham House report, climate change is best understood as a “threat multiplier… a key factor exacerbating existing resource vulnerability” in states already prone to such disorders.


Like other experts on the subject, Chatham House’s analysts claim, for example, that climate change will reduce crop output in many areas, sending global food prices soaring and triggering unrest among those already pushed to the limit under existing conditions.  “Increased frequency and severity of extreme weather events, such as droughts, heat waves, and floods, will also result in much larger and frequent local harvest shocks around the world… These shocks will affect global food prices whenever key centers of agricultural production area are hit — further amplifying global food price volatility.”  This, in turn, will increase the likelihood of civil unrest.


When, for instance, a brutal heat wave decimated Russia’s wheat crop during the summer of 2010, the global price of wheat (and so of that staple of life, bread) began an inexorable upward climb, reaching particularly high levels in North Africa and the Middle East.  With local governments unwilling or unable to help desperate populations, anger over impossible-to-afford food merged with resentment toward autocratic regimes to trigger the massive popular outburst we know as the Arab Spring.


Many such explosions are likely in the future, Chatham House suggests, if current trends continue as climate change and resource scarcity meld into a single reality in our world.  A single provocative question from that group should haunt us all: “Are we on the cusp of a new world order dominated by struggles over access to affordable resources?”


For the U.S. intelligence community, which appears to have been influenced by the report, the response was blunt.  In March, for the first time, Director of National Intelligence James R. Clapper listed “competition and scarcity involving natural resources” as a national security threat on a par with global terrorism, cyberwar, and nuclear proliferation.


“Many countries important to the United States are vulnerable to natural resource shocks that degrade economic development, frustrate attempts to democratize, raise the risk of regime-threatening instability, and aggravate regional tensions,” he wrote in his prepared statement for the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence.  “Extreme weather events (floods, droughts, heat waves) will increasingly disrupt food and energy markets, exacerbating state weakness, forcing human migrations, and triggering riots, civil disobedience, and vandalism.”


There was a new phrase embedded in his comments: “resource shocks.” It catches something of the world we’re barreling toward, and the language is striking for an intelligence community that, like the government it serves, has largely played down or ignored the dangers of climate change. For the first time, senior government analysts may be coming to appreciate what energy experts, resource analysts, and scientists have long been warning about: the unbridled consumption of the world’s natural resources, combined with the advent of extreme climate change, could produce a global explosion of human chaos and conflict.  We are now heading directly into a resource-shock world.





 


Michael Klare is a professor of peace and world security studies at Hampshire College, a TomDispatch regular and the author, most recently, of The Race for What’s Left, just published in paperback by Picador.  A documentary movie based on his book Blood and Oil can be previewed and ordered at www.bloodandoilmovie.com. You can follow Klare on Facebook by clicking here.






 

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Resource Shock: How Resource Scarcity and Climate Change Could Produce a Global Explosion

Resource Shock: How Resource Scarcity and Climate Change Could Produce a Global Explosion




Whether you know it or not, you’re on a new planet, a resource-shock world of a sort humanity has never before experienced.








To stay on top of important articles like these, sign up to receive the latest updates from TomDispatch.com here.


Brace yourself. You may not be able to tell yet, but according to global experts and the U.S. intelligence community, the earth is already shifting under you.  Whether you know it or not, you’re on a new planet, a resource-shock world of a sort humanity has never before experienced.


Two nightmare scenarios — a global scarcity of vital resources and the onset of extreme climate change — are already beginning to converge and in the coming decades are likely to produce a tidal wave of unrest, rebellion, competition, and conflict.  Just what this tsunami of disaster will look like may, as yet, be hard to discern, but experts warn of “water wars” over contested river systems, global food riots sparked by soaring prices for life’s basics, mass migrations of climate refugees (with resulting anti-migrant violence), and the breakdown of social order or the collapse of states.  At first, such mayhem is likely to arise largely in Africa, Central Asia, and other areas of the underdeveloped South, but in time all regions of the planet will be affected.


To appreciate the power of this encroaching catastrophe, it’s necessary to examine each of the forces that are combining to produce this future cataclysm.


Resource Shortages and Resource Wars


Start with one simple given: the prospect of future scarcities of vital natural resources, including energy, water, land, food, and critical minerals.  This in itself would guarantee social unrest, geopolitical friction, and war.


It is important to note that absolute scarcity doesn’t have to be on the horizon in any given resource category for this scenario to kick in.  A lack of adequate supplies to meet the needs of a growing, ever more urbanized and industrialized global population is enough.  Given the wave of extinctions that scientists are recording, some resources — particular species of fish, animals, and trees, for example — will become less abundant in the decades to come, and may even disappear altogether.  But key materials for modern civilization like oil, uranium, and copper will simply prove harder and more costly to acquire, leading to supply bottlenecks and periodic shortages.


Oil — the single most important commodity in the international economy — provides an apt example.  Although global oil supplies may actually grow in the coming decades, many experts doubt that they can be expanded sufficiently to meet the needs of a rising global middle class that is, for instance, expected to buy millions of new cars in the near future.  In its 2011 World Energy Outlook, the International Energy Agency claimed that an anticipated global oil demand of 104 million barrels per day in 2035 will be satisfied.  This, the report suggested, would be thanks in large part to additional supplies of “unconventional oil” (Canadian tar sands, shale oil, and so on), as well as 55 million barrels of new oil from fields “yet to be found” and “yet to be developed.”


However, many analysts scoff at this optimistic assessment, arguing that rising production costs (for energy that will be ever more difficult and costly to extract), environmental opposition, warfare, corruption, and other impediments will make it extremely difficult to achieve increases of this magnitude.  In other words, even if production manages for a time to top the 2010 level of 87 million barrels per day, the goal of 104 million barrels will never be reached and the world’s major consumers will face virtual, if not absolute, scarcity.


Water provides another potent example.  On an annual basis, the supply of drinking water provided by natural precipitation remains more or less constant: about 40,000 cubic kilometers.  But much of this precipitation lands on Greenland, Antarctica, Siberia, and inner Amazonia where there are very few people, so the supply available to major concentrations of humanity is often surprisingly limited.  In many regions with high population levels, water supplies are already relatively sparse.  This is especially true of North Africa, Central Asia, and the Middle East, where the demand for water continues to grow as a result of rising populations, urbanization, and the emergence of new water-intensive industries.  The result, even when the supply remains constant, is an environment of increasing scarcity.


Wherever you look, the picture is roughly the same: supplies of critical resources may be rising or falling, but rarely do they appear to be outpacing demand, producing a sense of widespread and systemic scarcity.  However generated, a perception of scarcity — or imminent scarcity — regularly leads to anxiety, resentment, hostility, and contentiousness.  This pattern is very well understood, and has been evident throughout human history.


In his book Constant Battles, for example, Steven LeBlanc, director of collections for Harvard’s Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, notes that many ancient civilizations experienced higher levels of warfare when faced with resource shortages brought about by population growth, crop failures, or persistent drought. Jared Diamond, author of the bestseller Collapse, has detected a similar pattern in Mayan civilization and the Anasazi culture of New Mexico’s Chaco Canyon.  More recently, concern over adequate food for the home population was a significant factor in Japan’s invasion of Manchuria in 1931 and Germany’s invasions of Poland in 1939 and the Soviet Union in 1941, according to Lizzie Collingham, author of The Taste of War.


Although the global supply of most basic commodities has grown enormously since the end of World War II, analysts see the persistence of resource-related conflict in areas where materials remain scarce or there is anxiety about the future reliability of supplies.  Many experts believe, for example, that the fighting in Darfur and other war-ravaged areas of North Africa has been driven, at least in part, by competition among desert tribes for access to scarce water supplies, exacerbated in some cases by rising population levels.


“In Darfur,” says a 2009 report from the U.N. Environment Programme on the role of natural resources in the conflict, “recurrent drought, increasing demographic pressures, and political marginalization are among the forces that have pushed the region into a spiral of lawlessness and violence that has led to 300,000 deaths and the displacement of more than two million people since 2003.”


Anxiety over future supplies is often also a factor in conflicts that break out over access to oil or control of contested undersea reserves of oil and natural gas.  In 1979, for instance, when the Islamic revolution in Iran overthrew the Shah and the Soviets invaded Afghanistan, Washington began to fear that someday it might be denied access to Persian Gulf oil.  At that point, President Jimmy Carter promptly announced what came to be called the Carter Doctrine.  In his 1980 State of the Union Address, Carter affirmed that any move to impede the flow of oil from the Gulf would be viewed as a threat to America’s “vital interests” and would be repelled by “any means necessary, including military force.”


In 1990, this principle was invoked by President George H.W. Bush to justify intervention in the first Persian Gulf War, just as his son would use it, in part, to justify the 2003 invasion of Iraq.  Today, it remains the basis for U.S. plans to employ force to stop the Iranians from closing the Strait of Hormuz, the strategic waterway connecting the Persian Gulf to the Indian Ocean through which about 35% of the world’s seaborne oil commerce  passes.


Recently, a set of resource conflicts have been rising toward the boiling point between China and its neighbors in Southeast Asia when it comes to control of offshore oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea.  Although the resulting naval clashes have yet to result in a loss of life, a strong possibility of military escalation exists.  A similar situation has also arisen in the East China Sea, where China and Japan are jousting for control over similarly valuable undersea reserves.  Meanwhile, in the South Atlantic Ocean, Argentina and Britain are once again squabbling over the Falkland Islands (called Las Malvinas by the Argentinians) because oil has been discovered in surrounding waters.


By all accounts, resource-driven potential conflicts like these will only multiply in the years ahead as demand rises, supplies dwindle, and more of what remains will be found in disputed areas.  In a 2012 study titled Resources Futures, the respected British think-tank Chatham House expressed particular concern about possible resource wars over water, especially in areas like the Nile and Jordan River basins where several groups or countries must share the same river for the majority of their water supplies and few possess the wherewithal to develop alternatives.  “Against this backdrop of tight supplies and competition, issues related to water rights, prices, and pollution are becoming contentious,” the report noted.  “In areas with limited capacity to govern shared resources, balance competing demands, and mobilize new investments, tensions over water may erupt into more open confrontations.”


Heading for a Resource-Shock World


Tensions like these would be destined to grow by themselves because in so many areas supplies of key resources will not be able to keep up with demand.  As it happens, though, they are not “by themselves.”  On this planet, a second major force has entered the equation in a significant way.  With the growing reality of climate change, everything becomes a lot more terrifying.


Normally, when we consider the impact of climate change, we think primarily about the environment — the melting Arctic ice cap or Greenland ice shield, rising global sea levels, intensifying storms, expanding deserts, and endangered or disappearing species like the polar bear.  But a growing number of experts are coming to realize that the most potent effects of climate change will be experienced by humans directly through the impairment or wholesale destruction of habitats upon which we rely for food production, industrial activities, or simply to live.  Essentially, climate change will wreak its havoc on us by constraining our access to the basics of life: vital resources that include food, water, land, and energy.  This will be devastating to human life, even as it significantly increases the danger of resource conflicts of all sorts erupting.


We already know enough about the future effects of climate change to predict the following with reasonable confidence:


  • Rising sea levels will in the next half-century erase many coastal areas, destroying large cities, critical infrastructure (including roads, railroads, ports, airports, pipelines, refineries, and power plants), and prime agricultural land.

  • Diminished rainfall and prolonged droughts will turn once-verdant croplands into dust bowls, reducing food output and turning millions into “climate refugees.”

  • More severe storms and intense heat waves will kill crops, trigger forest fires, cause floods, and destroy critical infrastructure.

No one can predict how much food, land, water, and energy will be lost as a result of this onslaught (and other climate-change effects that are harder to predict or even possibly imagine), but the cumulative effect will undoubtedly be staggering.  In Resources Futures, Chatham House offers a particularly dire warning when it comes to the threat of diminished precipitation to rain-fed agriculture.  “By 2020,” the report says, “yields from rain-fed agriculture could be reduced by up to 50%” in some areas.  The highest rates of loss are expected to be in Africa, where reliance on rain-fed farming is greatest, but agriculture in China, India, Pakistan, and Central Asia is also likely to be severely affected.


Heat waves, droughts, and other effects of climate change will also reduce the flow of many vital rivers, diminishing water supplies for irrigation, hydro-electricity power facilities, and nuclear reactors (which need massive amounts of water for cooling purposes).  The melting of glaciers, especially in the Andes in Latin America and the Himalayas in South Asia, will also rob communities and cities of crucial water supplies.  An expected increase in the frequency of hurricanes and typhoons will pose a growing threat to offshore oil rigs, coastal refineries, transmission lines, and other components of the global energy system.


The melting of the Arctic ice cap will open that region to oil and gas exploration, but an increase in iceberg activity will make all efforts to exploit that region’s energy supplies perilous and exceedingly costly.  Longer growing seasons in the north, especially Siberia and Canada’s northern provinces, might compensate to some degree for the desiccation of croplands in more southerly latitudes.  However, moving the global agricultural system (and the world’s farmers) northward from abandoned farmlands in the United States, Mexico, Brazil, India, China, Argentina, and Australia would be a daunting prospect.


It is safe to assume that climate change, especially when combined with growing supply shortages, will result in a significant reduction in the planet’s vital resources, augmenting the kinds of pressures that have historically led to conflict, even under better circumstances.  In this way, according to the Chatham House report, climate change is best understood as a “threat multiplier… a key factor exacerbating existing resource vulnerability” in states already prone to such disorders.


Like other experts on the subject, Chatham House’s analysts claim, for example, that climate change will reduce crop output in many areas, sending global food prices soaring and triggering unrest among those already pushed to the limit under existing conditions.  “Increased frequency and severity of extreme weather events, such as droughts, heat waves, and floods, will also result in much larger and frequent local harvest shocks around the world… These shocks will affect global food prices whenever key centers of agricultural production area are hit — further amplifying global food price volatility.”  This, in turn, will increase the likelihood of civil unrest.


When, for instance, a brutal heat wave decimated Russia’s wheat crop during the summer of 2010, the global price of wheat (and so of that staple of life, bread) began an inexorable upward climb, reaching particularly high levels in North Africa and the Middle East.  With local governments unwilling or unable to help desperate populations, anger over impossible-to-afford food merged with resentment toward autocratic regimes to trigger the massive popular outburst we know as the Arab Spring.


Many such explosions are likely in the future, Chatham House suggests, if current trends continue as climate change and resource scarcity meld into a single reality in our world.  A single provocative question from that group should haunt us all: “Are we on the cusp of a new world order dominated by struggles over access to affordable resources?”


For the U.S. intelligence community, which appears to have been influenced by the report, the response was blunt.  In March, for the first time, Director of National Intelligence James R. Clapper listed “competition and scarcity involving natural resources” as a national security threat on a par with global terrorism, cyberwar, and nuclear proliferation.


“Many countries important to the United States are vulnerable to natural resource shocks that degrade economic development, frustrate attempts to democratize, raise the risk of regime-threatening instability, and aggravate regional tensions,” he wrote in his prepared statement for the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence.  “Extreme weather events (floods, droughts, heat waves) will increasingly disrupt food and energy markets, exacerbating state weakness, forcing human migrations, and triggering riots, civil disobedience, and vandalism.”


There was a new phrase embedded in his comments: “resource shocks.” It catches something of the world we’re barreling toward, and the language is striking for an intelligence community that, like the government it serves, has largely played down or ignored the dangers of climate change. For the first time, senior government analysts may be coming to appreciate what energy experts, resource analysts, and scientists have long been warning about: the unbridled consumption of the world’s natural resources, combined with the advent of extreme climate change, could produce a global explosion of human chaos and conflict.  We are now heading directly into a resource-shock world.





 


Michael Klare is a professor of peace and world security studies at Hampshire College, a TomDispatch regular and the author, most recently, of The Race for What’s Left, just published in paperback by Picador.  A documentary movie based on his book Blood and Oil can be previewed and ordered at www.bloodandoilmovie.com. You can follow Klare on Facebook by clicking here.






 

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Resource Shock: How Resource Scarcity and Climate Change Could Produce a Global Explosion

Saturday, March 9, 2013

Resource Curse: Why the Economic Boom That Fracking Promises Will Be a Bust For Most People (Hard Times, USA)








The following article is part of AlterNet"s series on poverty, Hard Times USA. This article was published in partnership with GlobalPossibilities.org.


Drillers hit the country’s first oil jackpot in Pennsylvania in 1859. Towns like Titusville and Pithole grew from a few hundred to more than 10,000 nearly overnight. But with the boom, inevitably came the bust. And it’s a history that may repeat itself in the same region soon.


Eastern states like Pennsylvania, New York, Ohio, and West Virginia sit atop the Marcellus Shale. High-volume horizontal hydraulic fracturing, often referred to as “fracking,” has put a bull’s-eye on the region by companies interested in drilling for gas tucked deep into the shale formations.


There’s been controversy over how much havoc fracking will wreak on the environment, with reports of air pollution, water contamination and other abuses from many living near drilling sites. Investigations continue to assess the impacts on human health and the environment.


But what has received less scrutiny are the economic promises made by gas companies and parroted in the media. The question is often posed whether the environmental risks outweigh the economic gains, but the “gains” themselves are far from a given. A report out of Cornell University titled, “A Comprehensive Economic Impact Analysis of Natural Gas Extraction in the Marcellus Shale,” by Susan Christopherson and Ned Rightor found, “The assertion that shale gas drilling will have positive consequences for both New York and Pennsylvania"s economies is based on limited evidence.”


When it comes to long-term economic development, there’s ample evidence to suggest that counties where drilling occurs will be in worse shape down the road, and that even during the drilling and producing phases, there will be a few winners and likely a whole lot of losers, especially among lower-income individuals. Furthermore, the areas targeted for drilling are often the ones already struggling economically, which means less wealthy individuals and communities may become further impoverished.


Christopherson, a professor in Cornell University’s Department of City and Regional Planning, has been studying the economic impacts of fracking in the Marcellus for years. “If those places were rich we wouldn"t be asking these questions because they wouldn"t want it,” she said.


Collateral Damage


A fracking moratorium remains in place in New York, although it could be lifted at any time. If it is, there are concerns that some of the state’s economically hardest hit areas will take the brunt of drilling. The New York Times reported that, “Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo’s administration is pursuing a plan to limit the controversial drilling method known as hydraulic fracturing to portions of several struggling New York counties along the border with Pennsylvania.”


The economics of extractive industries like gas drilling are pretty simple. As Philip Bump writes for Grist about Cuomo’s plan:


The areas that will be opened to fracking are those areas over the Marcellus shale formation. That makes sense. But unfortunately, they’re also areas of the state with some of the highest rates of poverty.



But one of the challenges of the fossil fuel economy is that its facilities, refineries, and extraction points are dirty, messy, and rife with pollution. Such things don’t go in the wealthier parts of town — or, often, the wealthier parts of a state.



For residents who are economically struggling, the offer of money for a gas lease can be too good to ignore – some may not realize the risks, while others are willing to incur them because they lack other options.


But if something does go wrong, many feel that they have little recourse because of their economic position. “If they end up with pollution on their own land, they don’t want to talk about it because then they are afraid the gas drillers will go away,” said Alison Rose Levy, a journalist who has been covering fracking in the Marcellus Shale since 2009. “They are in such financial duress that they will sacrifice the water quality on their land, and deny that pollution has occurred even to the point of making themselves or their family members ill because they are afraid of the companies — they are afraid the company will withdraw the opportunity for some kind of financial benefit.”


Christina and Wayne Woods, residents of Doddridge County, West Virginia have found that many people in their community are unwilling to speak up because they depend on the oil and gas industry for employment. They have neighbors living with water contamination but, “They don’t want to say anything because it’s part of the culture of intimidation by other members of the community,” said Wayne.


The more economically strapped communities are, the more likely that oil and gas companies will find little resistance.


Resource Curse


Pennsylvania has a long history of resource extraction, and so does West Virginia, an epicenter of coal mining. The West Virginia Center on Budget and Policy took a look at how the state has fared in a report called, “Boom and Busts: The Impact of West Virginia’s Energy Economy.”


Report co-authors Sean O’Leary and Ted Boettner assessed whether or not development in the Marcellus Shale underlying the state will be an economic blessing or a curse.  “Although coal and natural gas contribute millions of dollars in revenue to the state"s budget, it also appears that communities in West Virginia that historically have relied heavily on natural resource extractive industries have underperformed economically in the long term compared to the state as a whole,” they write.


While energy development boomed in the ‘70s, after it went bust in the ‘80s mining counties suffered in the short- and the long-term. They explain:


They did worse than the state average on a range of factors, such as earnings and personal income growth, population growth, and employment. Today, these counties have higher poverty rates, lower median incomes, and worse health outcomes than the state average. Despite the rebounds in the energy sector in the 2000s, mining counties continue to struggle in comparison with the rest of West Virginia.



Although communities can rely on energy development for economic growth in the short-term, the boom is unsustainable. If trends hold, the boom ultimately leads to a bust, followed by decades of underperformance.



The same could hold true for the fracking boom as research thus far in Pennsylvania suggests.


A report by the Keystone Center foundthat claims of job creation were hyped. “The Marcellus Shale is making a small positive contribution to recent job growth in Pennsylvania,” they found. “The size of that contribution, however, has been substantially inflated based on a basic misunderstanding of the difference between ‘new hires’ and job creation. The modest contribution of the Marcellus Shale to job growth must also be balanced against the impact of drilling on other industries, such as tourism and the Pennsylvania hardwoods industry.”


Inaccurate job creation numbers aren’t the only problem – there is also an issue of how many jobs may be lost. Fracking of this kind,  Christopherson says, is incompatible with tourism and with agriculture because fracking has a heavy industrial footprint on the landscape: “You have not just the well pad, which are big things, but you have 1,000 truck trips per well multiplied by the number of wells, you have compressor plants, you have the pipelines, you have water extraction sites, you have chemicals and gravel that have to be brought in. In the Eastern part of the US you also have to bring in people — you have man camps. It drives out other kinds of industry.”


One industry that may be affected is agriculture. A study by Penn State Extension looked at counties with at least 10,000 dairy cows. In those counties that had at 150 wells or more in the Marcellus Shale, there was an 18.5 percent decrease in milk production, while counties without Marcellus wells saw a slight increase in production.


And there are other implications. “Dairy farmers in Northern Pennsylvania and the Southern Tier of New York, who are already in a marginal economic situation, are being further squeezed because of rising costs for transporting their milk to the dairies,” Christopherson and Rightor write. “These businesses may go under during the drilling phase, leaving the region with fewer businesses outside of gas drilling, and thus a less diverse and more volatile economy.”


All this industrialization impacts areas that may not be getting drilling revenue, also. As Christopherson and Rightor report, “These elements of the industrial landscape will be located where geologic or logistical factors dictate, but not necessarily in the jurisdictions where drilling is currently taking place or production (and therefore tax revenue) is being generated.”


Communities may end up with air, water and noise pollution — and no economic payback. And it doesn’t just drive out industry, it drives out people who live there, especially those at the bottom of the economic ladder.


If you"re a low-income person, says Christopherson, “you"re in deep trouble” because the cost of living goes up. “In some places in Pennsylvania a gallon of milk costs $ 7,” she said. “Costs for housing will go skyrocketing because they can rent to drillers. Lower-income people generally get pushed out of their lower-cost housing and they have to leave the area. The economics term for it is "crowding out" — the process of intensive natural resource development drives out, crowds out other industries by raising the costs. Companies don"t want to move into that area because the labor costs are too high, there is a high cost of living.”


Fracking’s massive industrial footprint means that there are far-reaching consequences for communities, not just at drilling sites. The 37 families that lived at the Riverdale Mobile Home Village in north-central Pennsylvania found out firsthand what “crowding out” is all about.


The park, sitting aside the Susquehanna River suddenly became a hot commodity when gas companies came to town. The families in the park, many of whom were elderly or on fixed incomes, found out they had two months until the land they lived on was being sold. The buyer, writes Walter Brasch of Counterpunch, was Aqua PRV, part of water company Aqua America. “Aqua had received permission from the Susquehanna River Basin Commission (SRBC) to withdraw three million gallons of water a day from the Susquehanna; the 37 families of the mobile home village would just be in the way,” Brasch explains. “The company intends to build a pump station and create a pipe system to provide water to natural gas companies that use hydraulic fracturing.”


While residents of the park owned their trailers, picking up and moving to another location was no easy task. The cost of moving a trailer can range from $ 6,000 to $ 11,000 and that’s if you can move the trailer at all. Many of the Riverdale residents had older trailers with tin roofs or siding that couldn’t be moved. And that’s only one part of the problem; the other part is that there was nowhere for them to go.


Brasch writes:


Because the natural gas companies are bringing in thousands of employees to frack the land, there is a shortage of apartments, most with inflated prices to take advantage of the well-paid roustabouts, drivers, and technicians who moved into the area, and spend their money on local businesses eager to improve their own profits. During the past two years, rents have doubled and tripled. …The current mobile home owners paid $ 200 a month for their lot.


Not only are there few lots available and apartments are too expensive, but most residents don’t qualify for a house mortgage; and there are waiting lists for senior citizen and low-income housing.



The story is the same across the Marcellus region where drilling has taken place. “The natural gas boom has made affordable housing as obsolete as the anthracite coal that once drove the region’s energy economy,” concludes Brasch.


Ripple Effect


Individuals who sign big leases and some businesses, like hotels, bars and retail shops, along with drilling-related companies (trucks, waste disposal, etc. ), will inevitably have short-term gains, but Christopherson cautions, “The rising tide is not likely to lift all boats: there will be losing communities, and individuals who are displaced or left behind. Moreover, the experience of many economies based on extractive industries warns us that short-term gains frequently fail to translate into lasting, community-wide economic development.”


In Pennsylvania, research has found that many of the jobs go to skilled out-of-state workers. “Drilling crews usually arrive from places like Tulsa,” said Christopherson. “They fly in for three weeks, drill and fly home.”


Community members lose out in other ways, too. One of the biggest impacts, and one of the most costly to taxpayers, is truck traffic that has caused accidents and damaged roads. In the report, “The Economic Consequences of Marcellus Shale Gas Extraction: Key Issues,” authored by Christopherson for Cornell University Department of City and Regional Planning, she found that communities are getting shortchanged.


After severe damage to roads, Pennsylvania transportation districts had to post weight limit signs on thousands of miles of roads since fracking began. She writes:


Yet bond security costs for overweight truck travel on a posted road there – the financial incentive for a company to repair road damage — are limited to a maximum of $ 6,000 per mile for unpaved roads and $ 12,500 per mile for paved roads. This is adequate to cover only 10- 20% of the damage; road reconstruction can easily exceed $ 100,000 per mile. Additional public costs for protecting roads — pre-bonding surveys, road condition surveys, new data collection systems, and posting roads — are also significant.


In the Northern Tier of Pennsylvania, she found that trucks were carrying weight over the legal limit. More than 5,800 roadside inspections were performed on trucks working for the drilling industry, and “42 percent of those resulted in pulling either the driver or vehicle out of service,” she reported. The cost to the state for enforcement has reached over $ 550,000.


Communities also face increased pressure on schools, police, and healthcare services with the influx of workers. Hospitals have complained of rising debt because of the large number of uninsured workers they have started caring for since drilling began.


Because of political maneuvering, fracking is exempt from major national environmental laws like the Clean Water Act and the Safe Drinking Water Act. But even state regulations are not adequately enforced; some states and counties lack the political will and other simply lack the resources, which has led some companies to take advantage, to the detriment of residents.


In Sun Valley, West Virginia it is believed oil and gas companies (or a company) are to blame for millions of gallons of water stolen from fire hydrants – a tab ratepayers may be forced to pick up. Tankers are able to fill up thousands of gallons in less than five minutes, so the culprits haven’t been apprehended.


In Ohio, a company was recently caught dumping 20,000 gallons of toxic fracking wastewater into a local river. In 2011, another company was caught dumping millions of gallons of fracking wastewater into rivers, streams and sewers, with economic and environmental consequences for the communities impacted. The owner got a slap on the wrist.


The longer Marcellus drilling goes on, the more stories communities are collecting about the various impacts. All of these should be taken into consideration when calculating what an area stands to gain or lose from fracking.


“When the economic waters recede, the flotsam left behind can look more like the aftermath of a flood than of a rising tide,” wrote Christopherson.


Wed, 03/06/2013 – 11:00


 
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Resource Curse: Why the Economic Boom That Fracking Promises Will Be a Bust For Most People (Hard Times, USA)

Resource Curse: Why the Economic Boom That Fracking Promises Will Be a Bust For Most People (Hard Times, USA)








The following article is part of AlterNet"s series on poverty, Hard Times USA. This article was published in partnership with GlobalPossibilities.org.


Drillers hit the country’s first oil jackpot in Pennsylvania in 1859. Towns like Titusville and Pithole grew from a few hundred to more than 10,000 nearly overnight. But with the boom, inevitably came the bust. And it’s a history that may repeat itself in the same region soon.


Eastern states like Pennsylvania, New York, Ohio, and West Virginia sit atop the Marcellus Shale. High-volume horizontal hydraulic fracturing, often referred to as “fracking,” has put a bull’s-eye on the region by companies interested in drilling for gas tucked deep into the shale formations.


There’s been controversy over how much havoc fracking will wreak on the environment, with reports of air pollution, water contamination and other abuses from many living near drilling sites. Investigations continue to assess the impacts on human health and the environment.


But what has received less scrutiny are the economic promises made by gas companies and parroted in the media. The question is often posed whether the environmental risks outweigh the economic gains, but the “gains” themselves are far from a given. A report out of Cornell University titled, “A Comprehensive Economic Impact Analysis of Natural Gas Extraction in the Marcellus Shale,” by Susan Christopherson and Ned Rightor found, “The assertion that shale gas drilling will have positive consequences for both New York and Pennsylvania"s economies is based on limited evidence.”


When it comes to long-term economic development, there’s ample evidence to suggest that counties where drilling occurs will be in worse shape down the road, and that even during the drilling and producing phases, there will be a few winners and likely a whole lot of losers, especially among lower-income individuals. Furthermore, the areas targeted for drilling are often the ones already struggling economically, which means less wealthy individuals and communities may become further impoverished.


Christopherson, a professor in Cornell University’s Department of City and Regional Planning, has been studying the economic impacts of fracking in the Marcellus for years. “If those places were rich we wouldn"t be asking these questions because they wouldn"t want it,” she said.


Collateral Damage


A fracking moratorium remains in place in New York, although it could be lifted at any time. If it is, there are concerns that some of the state’s economically hardest hit areas will take the brunt of drilling. The New York Times reported that, “Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo’s administration is pursuing a plan to limit the controversial drilling method known as hydraulic fracturing to portions of several struggling New York counties along the border with Pennsylvania.”


The economics of extractive industries like gas drilling are pretty simple. As Philip Bump writes for Grist about Cuomo’s plan:


The areas that will be opened to fracking are those areas over the Marcellus shale formation. That makes sense. But unfortunately, they’re also areas of the state with some of the highest rates of poverty.



But one of the challenges of the fossil fuel economy is that its facilities, refineries, and extraction points are dirty, messy, and rife with pollution. Such things don’t go in the wealthier parts of town — or, often, the wealthier parts of a state.



For residents who are economically struggling, the offer of money for a gas lease can be too good to ignore – some may not realize the risks, while others are willing to incur them because they lack other options.


But if something does go wrong, many feel that they have little recourse because of their economic position. “If they end up with pollution on their own land, they don’t want to talk about it because then they are afraid the gas drillers will go away,” said Alison Rose Levy, a journalist who has been covering fracking in the Marcellus Shale since 2009. “They are in such financial duress that they will sacrifice the water quality on their land, and deny that pollution has occurred even to the point of making themselves or their family members ill because they are afraid of the companies — they are afraid the company will withdraw the opportunity for some kind of financial benefit.”


Christina and Wayne Woods, residents of Doddridge County, West Virginia have found that many people in their community are unwilling to speak up because they depend on the oil and gas industry for employment. They have neighbors living with water contamination but, “They don’t want to say anything because it’s part of the culture of intimidation by other members of the community,” said Wayne.


The more economically strapped communities are, the more likely that oil and gas companies will find little resistance.


Resource Curse


Pennsylvania has a long history of resource extraction, and so does West Virginia, an epicenter of coal mining. The West Virginia Center on Budget and Policy took a look at how the state has fared in a report called, “Boom and Busts: The Impact of West Virginia’s Energy Economy.”


Report co-authors Sean O’Leary and Ted Boettner assessed whether or not development in the Marcellus Shale underlying the state will be an economic blessing or a curse.  “Although coal and natural gas contribute millions of dollars in revenue to the state"s budget, it also appears that communities in West Virginia that historically have relied heavily on natural resource extractive industries have underperformed economically in the long term compared to the state as a whole,” they write.


While energy development boomed in the ‘70s, after it went bust in the ‘80s mining counties suffered in the short- and the long-term. They explain:


They did worse than the state average on a range of factors, such as earnings and personal income growth, population growth, and employment. Today, these counties have higher poverty rates, lower median incomes, and worse health outcomes than the state average. Despite the rebounds in the energy sector in the 2000s, mining counties continue to struggle in comparison with the rest of West Virginia.



Although communities can rely on energy development for economic growth in the short-term, the boom is unsustainable. If trends hold, the boom ultimately leads to a bust, followed by decades of underperformance.



The same could hold true for the fracking boom as research thus far in Pennsylvania suggests.


A report by the Keystone Center foundthat claims of job creation were hyped. “The Marcellus Shale is making a small positive contribution to recent job growth in Pennsylvania,” they found. “The size of that contribution, however, has been substantially inflated based on a basic misunderstanding of the difference between ‘new hires’ and job creation. The modest contribution of the Marcellus Shale to job growth must also be balanced against the impact of drilling on other industries, such as tourism and the Pennsylvania hardwoods industry.”


Inaccurate job creation numbers aren’t the only problem – there is also an issue of how many jobs may be lost. Fracking of this kind,  Christopherson says, is incompatible with tourism and with agriculture because fracking has a heavy industrial footprint on the landscape: “You have not just the well pad, which are big things, but you have 1,000 truck trips per well multiplied by the number of wells, you have compressor plants, you have the pipelines, you have water extraction sites, you have chemicals and gravel that have to be brought in. In the Eastern part of the US you also have to bring in people — you have man camps. It drives out other kinds of industry.”


One industry that may be affected is agriculture. A study by Penn State Extension looked at counties with at least 10,000 dairy cows. In those counties that had at 150 wells or more in the Marcellus Shale, there was an 18.5 percent decrease in milk production, while counties without Marcellus wells saw a slight increase in production.


And there are other implications. “Dairy farmers in Northern Pennsylvania and the Southern Tier of New York, who are already in a marginal economic situation, are being further squeezed because of rising costs for transporting their milk to the dairies,” Christopherson and Rightor write. “These businesses may go under during the drilling phase, leaving the region with fewer businesses outside of gas drilling, and thus a less diverse and more volatile economy.”


All this industrialization impacts areas that may not be getting drilling revenue, also. As Christopherson and Rightor report, “These elements of the industrial landscape will be located where geologic or logistical factors dictate, but not necessarily in the jurisdictions where drilling is currently taking place or production (and therefore tax revenue) is being generated.”


Communities may end up with air, water and noise pollution — and no economic payback. And it doesn’t just drive out industry, it drives out people who live there, especially those at the bottom of the economic ladder.


If you"re a low-income person, says Christopherson, “you"re in deep trouble” because the cost of living goes up. “In some places in Pennsylvania a gallon of milk costs $ 7,” she said. “Costs for housing will go skyrocketing because they can rent to drillers. Lower-income people generally get pushed out of their lower-cost housing and they have to leave the area. The economics term for it is "crowding out" — the process of intensive natural resource development drives out, crowds out other industries by raising the costs. Companies don"t want to move into that area because the labor costs are too high, there is a high cost of living.”


Fracking’s massive industrial footprint means that there are far-reaching consequences for communities, not just at drilling sites. The 37 families that lived at the Riverdale Mobile Home Village in north-central Pennsylvania found out firsthand what “crowding out” is all about.


The park, sitting aside the Susquehanna River suddenly became a hot commodity when gas companies came to town. The families in the park, many of whom were elderly or on fixed incomes, found out they had two months until the land they lived on was being sold. The buyer, writes Walter Brasch of Counterpunch, was Aqua PRV, part of water company Aqua America. “Aqua had received permission from the Susquehanna River Basin Commission (SRBC) to withdraw three million gallons of water a day from the Susquehanna; the 37 families of the mobile home village would just be in the way,” Brasch explains. “The company intends to build a pump station and create a pipe system to provide water to natural gas companies that use hydraulic fracturing.”


While residents of the park owned their trailers, picking up and moving to another location was no easy task. The cost of moving a trailer can range from $ 6,000 to $ 11,000 and that’s if you can move the trailer at all. Many of the Riverdale residents had older trailers with tin roofs or siding that couldn’t be moved. And that’s only one part of the problem; the other part is that there was nowhere for them to go.


Brasch writes:


Because the natural gas companies are bringing in thousands of employees to frack the land, there is a shortage of apartments, most with inflated prices to take advantage of the well-paid roustabouts, drivers, and technicians who moved into the area, and spend their money on local businesses eager to improve their own profits. During the past two years, rents have doubled and tripled. …The current mobile home owners paid $ 200 a month for their lot.


Not only are there few lots available and apartments are too expensive, but most residents don’t qualify for a house mortgage; and there are waiting lists for senior citizen and low-income housing.



The story is the same across the Marcellus region where drilling has taken place. “The natural gas boom has made affordable housing as obsolete as the anthracite coal that once drove the region’s energy economy,” concludes Brasch.


Ripple Effect


Individuals who sign big leases and some businesses, like hotels, bars and retail shops, along with drilling-related companies (trucks, waste disposal, etc. ), will inevitably have short-term gains, but Christopherson cautions, “The rising tide is not likely to lift all boats: there will be losing communities, and individuals who are displaced or left behind. Moreover, the experience of many economies based on extractive industries warns us that short-term gains frequently fail to translate into lasting, community-wide economic development.”


In Pennsylvania, research has found that many of the jobs go to skilled out-of-state workers. “Drilling crews usually arrive from places like Tulsa,” said Christopherson. “They fly in for three weeks, drill and fly home.”


Community members lose out in other ways, too. One of the biggest impacts, and one of the most costly to taxpayers, is truck traffic that has caused accidents and damaged roads. In the report, “The Economic Consequences of Marcellus Shale Gas Extraction: Key Issues,” authored by Christopherson for Cornell University Department of City and Regional Planning, she found that communities are getting shortchanged.


After severe damage to roads, Pennsylvania transportation districts had to post weight limit signs on thousands of miles of roads since fracking began. She writes:


Yet bond security costs for overweight truck travel on a posted road there – the financial incentive for a company to repair road damage — are limited to a maximum of $ 6,000 per mile for unpaved roads and $ 12,500 per mile for paved roads. This is adequate to cover only 10- 20% of the damage; road reconstruction can easily exceed $ 100,000 per mile. Additional public costs for protecting roads — pre-bonding surveys, road condition surveys, new data collection systems, and posting roads — are also significant.


In the Northern Tier of Pennsylvania, she found that trucks were carrying weight over the legal limit. More than 5,800 roadside inspections were performed on trucks working for the drilling industry, and “42 percent of those resulted in pulling either the driver or vehicle out of service,” she reported. The cost to the state for enforcement has reached over $ 550,000.


Communities also face increased pressure on schools, police, and healthcare services with the influx of workers. Hospitals have complained of rising debt because of the large number of uninsured workers they have started caring for since drilling began.


Because of political maneuvering, fracking is exempt from major national environmental laws like the Clean Water Act and the Safe Drinking Water Act. But even state regulations are not adequately enforced; some states and counties lack the political will and other simply lack the resources, which has led some companies to take advantage, to the detriment of residents.


In Sun Valley, West Virginia it is believed oil and gas companies (or a company) are to blame for millions of gallons of water stolen from fire hydrants – a tab ratepayers may be forced to pick up. Tankers are able to fill up thousands of gallons in less than five minutes, so the culprits haven’t been apprehended.


In Ohio, a company was recently caught dumping 20,000 gallons of toxic fracking wastewater into a local river. In 2011, another company was caught dumping millions of gallons of fracking wastewater into rivers, streams and sewers, with economic and environmental consequences for the communities impacted. The owner got a slap on the wrist.


The longer Marcellus drilling goes on, the more stories communities are collecting about the various impacts. All of these should be taken into consideration when calculating what an area stands to gain or lose from fracking.


“When the economic waters recede, the flotsam left behind can look more like the aftermath of a flood than of a rising tide,” wrote Christopherson.


Wed, 03/06/2013 – 11:00


 
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Resource Curse: Why the Economic Boom That Fracking Promises Will Be a Bust For Most People (Hard Times, USA)