Showing posts with label Security. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Security. Show all posts

Saturday, April 27, 2013

20 U.S. Cities that Receive the Most Homeland Security Funding for Being “High Threat”



You would think that when the U.S. government determines how much money should be spent to protect various cities and metropolitan areas, it would take into account not just the size of the city, but also its history as a target.


government spending

Photo: Pro Publica



All Gov
April 28, 2013


The attacks of September 11, 2001, were centered on New York City and Washington DC, and the terrorists boarded flights two flights from Boston, one from Washington and one from Newark. Three of the flights were headed to Los Angeles and one to San Francisco.


Sure enough, when one consults the amounts awarded by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS)’s Urban Areas Security Initiative grants program (UASI) to large urban areas deemed “high threat,” five of these six cities are among the top six recipients: New York, Los Angeles, Washington DC, San Francisco and Newark. But Boston, which was struck by another terrorist attack on April 15, is only in tenth place…behind Houston, Dallas and Philadelphia.



Here is the list of the 20 cities receiving the largest urban security grants:


  1. New York City ($ 1.4 billion)

  2. Los Angeles/Long Beach ($ 644 million)

  3. DC Metro ($ 568 million)

  4. Chicago ($ 478 million)

  5. San Francisco Bay Area ($ 359 million)

  6. Jersey City/Newark ($ 300 million)

  7. Houston ($ 297 million)

  8. Philadelphia ($ 197 million)

  9. Dallas/Fort Worth/Arlington ($ 186 million)

  10. Boston ($ 173 million)

  11. San Diego ($ 134 million)

  12. Detroit ($ 133 million)

  13. Miami ($ 125 million)

  14. Anaheim/Santa Ana ($ 123 million)

  15. Seattle ($ 122 million)

  16. Atlanta ($ 114 million)

  17. Baltimore ($ 105 million)

  18. Phoenix ($ 94 million)

  19. St. Louis ($ 81 million)

  20. Denver ($ 74 million)

There are currently 31 high-threat, high-density urban areas that are eligible for funding. Allocation of the awards is based on DHS’s “risk methodology,” which involves analyzing “the relative risk of terrorism faced by the 100 most populous metropolitan statistical areas in the United States.”


UASI is one of five projects in DHS’s Homeland Security Grant Program. That umbrella program spent nearly $ 1.8 billion in FY 2010. The total funding of UASI in FY 2012 was $ 490.4 million, which was distributed through 22 grants.


-David Wallechinsky, Danny Biederman




Powered By WizardRSS.com | Full Text RSS Feed | Amazon Plugin WordPress | Android Forums | WordPress Tutorials

Intellihub.com

20 U.S. Cities that Receive the Most Homeland Security Funding for Being “High Threat”

Wednesday, April 24, 2013

Get Ready for Higher Prices and Less Energy Security: Our Natural Gas Reserves Are Being Plundered For Export




A deeply flawed study that ignores the harmful environmental and health impacts of gas drilling is being used to rally for exports.








This article was published in partnership with GlobalPossibilities.org.


Unlimited export of U.S. natural gas would have enormous implications on the future of the nation"s economy, environment and domestic energy choices. Yet a burgeoning chorus in Congress, on both sides of the aisle, is calling for the swift approval of 19 liquid natural gas (LNG) export permits.


The acceptance of these permits would unleash an unprecedented frenzy of domestic high-volume hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, just to meet daily production rates under decades-long contractual obligations. If accepted, the total of the permits currently under review by the Department of Energy for LNG export would be equal to 28.54 billion cubic feet (Bcf) per day, approximately 45 percent of what the U.S. is projected to consume daily in 2013, according to the U.S. Energy Administration.


Congressional supporters of unlimited exports argue that turning the U.S. into a major net exporter of LNG would not only boost our economy and create jobs, but also — seeming to defy the basic tenets of supply and demand — sustain low domestic natural gas prices, increase our energy security and propel us to energy independence. Some have even contended that such exports would smooth out boom-and-bust cycles and stabilize the price of natural gas.


By law, the Natural Gas Act requires the Department of Energy to grant export permits of LNG to non-free trade agreement countries only if such exports are deemed in the public interest. LNG exports to countries the U.S. has free-trade agreements with, such as Canada and Mexico, do not require a public interest determination.


On the Senate floor last month, Sen. James Inhofe (R-OK) argued, “What could be inconsistent with this for the public interest? This is something that would be cheaper gas for us and give us total independence in a matter of weeks.”


At an event last year sponsored by the trade group America"s Natural Gas Alliance, Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski, the top Republican on the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources, said, “Exports of natural gas … are not expected to play a significant role in setting prices here at home.”


In a statement released by his office, Sen. Mark Begich (D-AK), told AlterNet, “Concerns that natural gas exports will significantly drive up the price of natural gas for domestic use are overblown.”


He added, “Additionally, even with dramatic growth in LNG markets abroad and use of natural gas at home, the U.S. has more than enough gas to satisfy both markets for a long time.”


But many experts close to the issue — backed by multiple studies, real-world numbers and historical trends — say these elected leaders are either not leveling with the American public or are simply ill-informed.


“Members of Congress are not energy experts so they are easily confused,” said Tad Patzek, chairman of the Department of Petroleum and Geosystems Engineering at the University of Texas. “And their religion is free market. It"s got nothing to do with reality, especially energy markets.”


Patzek, an expert in unconventional gas recovery who has extensively studied U.S. shale plays, called congressional boosters of unlimited exports “delusional” in an interview with AlterNet.


“This is the same argument over and over again,” he added. “If we have a boom, then twice the boom is always better. Right? Well, not necessarily.”


Domestically, natural gas remains cheap, hovering around $ 3.50 per thousand cubic feet (Mcf). But in Europe and Asia, respectively, prices are three to nearly five times that amount.


The current glut of natural gas in the U.S. has kept prices low for both consumers" electricity bills and for energy-intensive areas of the economy, such as the revitalized domestic manufacturing sector, which uses natural gas for feedstock. But over the last couple of years, gas companies have been losing money because supply has outpaced demand and returns on natural gas at its domestic price became too low to warrant the cost of production.


Exporting LNG to the highest bidder overseas would greatly benefit the profits of gas companies and also some companies involved in its export. But many experts agree, and multiple studies reveal, that it would have the dual effect of raising prices domestically to levels that would both hurt consumers and all other energy-intensive sectors of the economy.


“If we are forced to pay $ 12 to $ 16 per Mcf, well, then our economy"s going bust,” Patzek said.


“I don"t know of anybody who"s studied this who doesn"t acknowledge that prices will go up,” said Art Berman, an oil and gas geologist who heads the Houston-based geological consulting firm Labyrinth Consulting. ”So if we lock ourselves into 20-year contracts to export X number of billions of cubic feet a day, well, that"s going to increase the price. And that"s really what it"s all about.”


Berman"s research on actual U.S. shale well production, as opposed to mere projections, has led him and others to question industry and government mantras boasting of America"s ever-abundant supply of natural gas reserves. With industry and government projections upward of 100 years of untapped domestic natural gas, Berman, based on the rate of returns from drilled shale plays across the nation, estimates that a more realistic number would be around 20-25 years of supply.


That"s without factoring in the impact on supply if the U.S. becomes a major exporter. Patzek said industry and government projections of natural gas reserves are merely “speculation,” which is why the use of this resource demands “moderation.” Using these reserves in moderation, he said it"s probable that several decades of untapped domestic natural gas remains. But what"s undeniable, he added, was that opening our supply to limitless exports would force the U.S. to deplete these finite reserves faster, needlessly squandering them.

“How does exporting a strategic natural resource make you more energy independent?” Berman said in an interview with AlterNet. “If you"re selling it to somebody else, then by definition you"re decreasing your own supply.”


He continued, “Signing long-term contracts that require you to export natural gas, if anything, only decreases your energy independence.”


Eben Burnham-Snyder, a spokesman for House Natural Resources Committee Ranking Member Rep. Edward Markey (D-Mass.), agreed.


“Every single analysis of natural gas exporting has concluded that domestic prices will increase,” Burnham-Snyder said in an email to AlterNet. “That"s based on basic economic theory.”


He continued, “Sending more of our natural gas resources abroad, instead of keeping more of it here for consumers and manufacturers and providing a diverse energy supply, is not a policy to make us more energy secure…[it] makes us less independent, not more.”


Berman added, “These companies have stupidly, imprudently overproduced their own product to the point they can"t make money at the price they"ve created themselves. So now they"re looking for a solution to that problem, and they"ve managed to convince a number of idiots in Congress that this is a good idea.”


No congressional supporters contacted by AlterNet would explain how exporting natural gas would, in turn, increase the country"s energy security and energy independence.


Supporters Rally Around “Seriously Flawed” Study


Congressional supporters of unfettered natural gas exports were buoyed by last year"s economic impact study commissioned by the Department of Energy. The report, conducted by the outside firm NERA Economic Consulting, concluded that although domestic natural gas prices would rise moderately and some sectors of the economy, such as manufacturing, would be adversely affected, the “U.S. would experience net economic benefits from increased LNG exports.”


Following its release, 110 bipartisan members of the House of Representatives fired off a letter urging Energy Secretary Steven Chu to hasten approval of all LNG export permits.


When criticisms of the NERA study began pouring in, a bipartisan group of senators, including James Inhofe (R-OK), Mary Landrieu (D-LA), David Vitter (R-LA) and Mark Begich (D-AK), followed up with a letter of their own to Secretary Chu, insisting he listen to “the sound science and economic theory that comprises” the study"s conclusions.


But the NERA study was not only assailed for questionable modeling and omitting economic impacts on the environment, health and local jobs — such as farms and the businesses they support — but also for NERA"s troubling history of conducting favorable studies for both the tobacco and coal industries.


In a January 2013 letter to the Energy Department, Sen. Ron Wyden (D-OR), chairman of the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources, ripped the NERA report, calling it “seriously flawed” to the point of rendering “this study insufficient for the Department to use in any export determination.”


Shortcomings Wyden highlighted include NERA using two-year-old energy figures to project the domestic consumption of natural gas, failing to fully assess the effect of rising prices on households and businesses, inadequately accounting for production impacts on various regional markets, and omitting the result of higher prices on different socioeconomic groups. All of which, Wyden noted, the Energy Department is tasked to assess in order to meet public interest determinations under the Natural Gas Act.


After its release, Rep. Edward Markey (D-MA), the top Democrat on the House Natural Resources Committee, said the study reveals, though downplays, that such exports would “constitute a massive transfer of wealth from working Americans to natural gas production and export companies.”


“Most Americans don"t own stock in natural gas companies, but nearly all Americans use natural gas and buy goods created using low-cost natural gas,” Markey spokesman Burnham-Snyder told AlterNet. “Unlimited exports of natural gas will benefit only a very few, while leaving the rest of America to pay the increased costs from higher natural gas prices.”


The Energy Department first commissioned a companion study conducted by the Energy Information Administration (EIA), an independent branch of the Department. The study, published in January 2012, focused on how increased natural gas exports would impact domestic consumption, production and prices.


The report concludes:


Increased natural gas exports lead to higher domestic natural gas prices, increased domestic natural gas production, reduced domestic natural gas consumption, and increased natural gas imports from Canada via pipeline.



Yet even this EIA assessment, as Wyden noted to the Energy Department, made its calculations based on estimated export volumes far lower than the total of the permits now under review. The EIA projected between a low volume of 6 billion cubic feet per day and a high volume of 12 billion cubic feet per day. So even its high range is dwarfed by the roughly 29 billion cubic feet per day now being proposed.


But the findings of an independent Purdue University study, released after the NERA analysis, were even more stark and directly challenged NERA"s conclusions.


“The major conclusion of this research is that permitting natural gas exports causes a small reduction in US GDP and also increases GHG emissions and other environmental emissions such as particulates. There is a loss of labor and capital income in all energy intensive sectors, and electricity prices increase.”


The authors continue, “The major differences between our results and the other major study (NERA) are that we get considerably higher natural gas price impacts, and we do not get export revenue as large. The higher natural gas prices cause pervasive losses throughout the commercial, industrial, and residential sectors.”


In a final note, the authors caution, “Given all the results of this analysis, it is clear that policy makers need to be very careful in approving US natural gas exports. While we are normally disciples of the free trade orthodoxy, one must examine the evidence in each case. We have done that, and the analysis shows that this case is different. Using the natural gas in the US is more advantageous than exports, both economically and environmentally.”


Environmental and Health Impacts Left Out of the Mix


Environmental groups, including the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) and the Sierra Club, also slammed the study for failing to assess environmental impacts of increased domestic fracking on both the economy and health of local communities in which drilling would occur and on the overall global climate.


The Sierra Club revealed that the NERA study"s main supporting point for a net economic benefit from exports was built on ignoring negative environmental impacts.


Applying federal government estimates, the group calculatedthat the increase in natural gas exports would pump an additional 689,000 tons of methane into the atmosphere each year at a staggering social cost of $ 430,625,000. This additional cost would nullify more than 20 percent of the GDP increase projected in the NERA study, which would shift the slight net gain from exports to a net loss.


Jeff Deyette, a senior energy analyst at the Union of Concerned Scientists, said that methane leakage issues, both in the act of fracking and extraction and in the transport of natural gas, demand greater evaluation.


“Given how potent methane is, even modest amounts could make natural gas as bad or worse than coal from a total greenhouse gas emissions standpoint,” said Deyette.


The NRDC noted the NERA report “ignores environmental externalities, including global warming, air pollution, water pollution and other pollution impacts” and “wholly neglects to estimate public health and environmental damages that are routinely estimated in regulatory impact analyses.”


Henry Henderson, director of the Midwest Program at the Natural Resources Defense Council, noted that the negative drilling impacts on communities don"t show up in GDP estimates or corporate annual reports.


“There are long-term impacts on property values and the economies of rural communities that are not properly measured by simply the cost of selling natural gas on the market,” said Henderson in a recent interview with AlterNet.


“They are jobs that come and go as opposed to impacts that remain in perpetuity,” he said.


This impact has already been seen in states that were home to the early fracking boom, such as Pennsylvania. As a January report by the Center for Public Integrity detailed, the prospect of exporting natural gas was not part of the bargain when Pennsylvanians agreed to open their state to fracking.


So now, adding insult to injury, people in towns who"ve already suffered environmental, health and economic degradation from this extractive process are “surprised, stunned, angry and upset” to discover these same companies not only want to drill in higher volumes but also seek to export the gas without regard for the increased price or the continued negative drilling effects in their communities.


Patzek, of the University of Texas, noted that in later stages of exploitation of a resource such as hydrocarbons, we tend to go from using faraway places with very concentrated hydrocarbons, such as West Texas or the Middle East, to lesser quality, more difficult and dilute resources, which are close to where people live.


“We are at that stage right now and it"s only going to get worse,” he said. “We will be encroaching more and more on where people live.”


Patzek added, “We don"t seem to be able to go beyond the next boom-or-bust cycle and ask for a little bit longer planning. This thought that there is a common good and a common future that we all have has vanished.”



 

Related Stories


AlterNet.org Main RSS Feed



Get Ready for Higher Prices and Less Energy Security: Our Natural Gas Reserves Are Being Plundered For Export

Get Ready for Higher Prices and Less Energy Security: Our Natural Gas Reserves Are Being Plundered For Export




A deeply flawed study that ignores the harmful environmental and health impacts of gas drilling is being used to rally for exports.








This article was published in partnership with GlobalPossibilities.org.


Unlimited export of U.S. natural gas would have enormous implications on the future of the nation"s economy, environment and domestic energy choices. Yet a burgeoning chorus in Congress, on both sides of the aisle, is calling for the swift approval of 19 liquid natural gas (LNG) export permits.


The acceptance of these permits would unleash an unprecedented frenzy of domestic high-volume hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, just to meet daily production rates under decades-long contractual obligations. If accepted, the total of the permits currently under review by the Department of Energy for LNG export would be equal to 28.54 billion cubic feet (Bcf) per day, approximately 45 percent of what the U.S. is projected to consume daily in 2013, according to the U.S. Energy Administration.


Congressional supporters of unlimited exports argue that turning the U.S. into a major net exporter of LNG would not only boost our economy and create jobs, but also — seeming to defy the basic tenets of supply and demand — sustain low domestic natural gas prices, increase our energy security and propel us to energy independence. Some have even contended that such exports would smooth out boom-and-bust cycles and stabilize the price of natural gas.


By law, the Natural Gas Act requires the Department of Energy to grant export permits of LNG to non-free trade agreement countries only if such exports are deemed in the public interest. LNG exports to countries the U.S. has free-trade agreements with, such as Canada and Mexico, do not require a public interest determination.


On the Senate floor last month, Sen. James Inhofe (R-OK) argued, “What could be inconsistent with this for the public interest? This is something that would be cheaper gas for us and give us total independence in a matter of weeks.”


At an event last year sponsored by the trade group America"s Natural Gas Alliance, Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski, the top Republican on the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources, said, “Exports of natural gas … are not expected to play a significant role in setting prices here at home.”


In a statement released by his office, Sen. Mark Begich (D-AK), told AlterNet, “Concerns that natural gas exports will significantly drive up the price of natural gas for domestic use are overblown.”


He added, “Additionally, even with dramatic growth in LNG markets abroad and use of natural gas at home, the U.S. has more than enough gas to satisfy both markets for a long time.”


But many experts close to the issue — backed by multiple studies, real-world numbers and historical trends — say these elected leaders are either not leveling with the American public or are simply ill-informed.


“Members of Congress are not energy experts so they are easily confused,” said Tad Patzek, chairman of the Department of Petroleum and Geosystems Engineering at the University of Texas. “And their religion is free market. It"s got nothing to do with reality, especially energy markets.”


Patzek, an expert in unconventional gas recovery who has extensively studied U.S. shale plays, called congressional boosters of unlimited exports “delusional” in an interview with AlterNet.


“This is the same argument over and over again,” he added. “If we have a boom, then twice the boom is always better. Right? Well, not necessarily.”


Domestically, natural gas remains cheap, hovering around $ 3.50 per thousand cubic feet (Mcf). But in Europe and Asia, respectively, prices are three to nearly five times that amount.


The current glut of natural gas in the U.S. has kept prices low for both consumers" electricity bills and for energy-intensive areas of the economy, such as the revitalized domestic manufacturing sector, which uses natural gas for feedstock. But over the last couple of years, gas companies have been losing money because supply has outpaced demand and returns on natural gas at its domestic price became too low to warrant the cost of production.


Exporting LNG to the highest bidder overseas would greatly benefit the profits of gas companies and also some companies involved in its export. But many experts agree, and multiple studies reveal, that it would have the dual effect of raising prices domestically to levels that would both hurt consumers and all other energy-intensive sectors of the economy.


“If we are forced to pay $ 12 to $ 16 per Mcf, well, then our economy"s going bust,” Patzek said.


“I don"t know of anybody who"s studied this who doesn"t acknowledge that prices will go up,” said Art Berman, an oil and gas geologist who heads the Houston-based geological consulting firm Labyrinth Consulting. ”So if we lock ourselves into 20-year contracts to export X number of billions of cubic feet a day, well, that"s going to increase the price. And that"s really what it"s all about.”


Berman"s research on actual U.S. shale well production, as opposed to mere projections, has led him and others to question industry and government mantras boasting of America"s ever-abundant supply of natural gas reserves. With industry and government projections upward of 100 years of untapped domestic natural gas, Berman, based on the rate of returns from drilled shale plays across the nation, estimates that a more realistic number would be around 20-25 years of supply.


That"s without factoring in the impact on supply if the U.S. becomes a major exporter. Patzek said industry and government projections of natural gas reserves are merely “speculation,” which is why the use of this resource demands “moderation.” Using these reserves in moderation, he said it"s probable that several decades of untapped domestic natural gas remains. But what"s undeniable, he added, was that opening our supply to limitless exports would force the U.S. to deplete these finite reserves faster, needlessly squandering them.

“How does exporting a strategic natural resource make you more energy independent?” Berman said in an interview with AlterNet. “If you"re selling it to somebody else, then by definition you"re decreasing your own supply.”


He continued, “Signing long-term contracts that require you to export natural gas, if anything, only decreases your energy independence.”


Eben Burnham-Snyder, a spokesman for House Natural Resources Committee Ranking Member Rep. Edward Markey (D-Mass.), agreed.


“Every single analysis of natural gas exporting has concluded that domestic prices will increase,” Burnham-Snyder said in an email to AlterNet. “That"s based on basic economic theory.”


He continued, “Sending more of our natural gas resources abroad, instead of keeping more of it here for consumers and manufacturers and providing a diverse energy supply, is not a policy to make us more energy secure…[it] makes us less independent, not more.”


Berman added, “These companies have stupidly, imprudently overproduced their own product to the point they can"t make money at the price they"ve created themselves. So now they"re looking for a solution to that problem, and they"ve managed to convince a number of idiots in Congress that this is a good idea.”


No congressional supporters contacted by AlterNet would explain how exporting natural gas would, in turn, increase the country"s energy security and energy independence.


Supporters Rally Around “Seriously Flawed” Study


Congressional supporters of unfettered natural gas exports were buoyed by last year"s economic impact study commissioned by the Department of Energy. The report, conducted by the outside firm NERA Economic Consulting, concluded that although domestic natural gas prices would rise moderately and some sectors of the economy, such as manufacturing, would be adversely affected, the “U.S. would experience net economic benefits from increased LNG exports.”


Following its release, 110 bipartisan members of the House of Representatives fired off a letter urging Energy Secretary Steven Chu to hasten approval of all LNG export permits.


When criticisms of the NERA study began pouring in, a bipartisan group of senators, including James Inhofe (R-OK), Mary Landrieu (D-LA), David Vitter (R-LA) and Mark Begich (D-AK), followed up with a letter of their own to Secretary Chu, insisting he listen to “the sound science and economic theory that comprises” the study"s conclusions.


But the NERA study was not only assailed for questionable modeling and omitting economic impacts on the environment, health and local jobs — such as farms and the businesses they support — but also for NERA"s troubling history of conducting favorable studies for both the tobacco and coal industries.


In a January 2013 letter to the Energy Department, Sen. Ron Wyden (D-OR), chairman of the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources, ripped the NERA report, calling it “seriously flawed” to the point of rendering “this study insufficient for the Department to use in any export determination.”


Shortcomings Wyden highlighted include NERA using two-year-old energy figures to project the domestic consumption of natural gas, failing to fully assess the effect of rising prices on households and businesses, inadequately accounting for production impacts on various regional markets, and omitting the result of higher prices on different socioeconomic groups. All of which, Wyden noted, the Energy Department is tasked to assess in order to meet public interest determinations under the Natural Gas Act.


After its release, Rep. Edward Markey (D-MA), the top Democrat on the House Natural Resources Committee, said the study reveals, though downplays, that such exports would “constitute a massive transfer of wealth from working Americans to natural gas production and export companies.”


“Most Americans don"t own stock in natural gas companies, but nearly all Americans use natural gas and buy goods created using low-cost natural gas,” Markey spokesman Burnham-Snyder told AlterNet. “Unlimited exports of natural gas will benefit only a very few, while leaving the rest of America to pay the increased costs from higher natural gas prices.”


The Energy Department first commissioned a companion study conducted by the Energy Information Administration (EIA), an independent branch of the Department. The study, published in January 2012, focused on how increased natural gas exports would impact domestic consumption, production and prices.


The report concludes:


Increased natural gas exports lead to higher domestic natural gas prices, increased domestic natural gas production, reduced domestic natural gas consumption, and increased natural gas imports from Canada via pipeline.



Yet even this EIA assessment, as Wyden noted to the Energy Department, made its calculations based on estimated export volumes far lower than the total of the permits now under review. The EIA projected between a low volume of 6 billion cubic feet per day and a high volume of 12 billion cubic feet per day. So even its high range is dwarfed by the roughly 29 billion cubic feet per day now being proposed.


But the findings of an independent Purdue University study, released after the NERA analysis, were even more stark and directly challenged NERA"s conclusions.


“The major conclusion of this research is that permitting natural gas exports causes a small reduction in US GDP and also increases GHG emissions and other environmental emissions such as particulates. There is a loss of labor and capital income in all energy intensive sectors, and electricity prices increase.”


The authors continue, “The major differences between our results and the other major study (NERA) are that we get considerably higher natural gas price impacts, and we do not get export revenue as large. The higher natural gas prices cause pervasive losses throughout the commercial, industrial, and residential sectors.”


In a final note, the authors caution, “Given all the results of this analysis, it is clear that policy makers need to be very careful in approving US natural gas exports. While we are normally disciples of the free trade orthodoxy, one must examine the evidence in each case. We have done that, and the analysis shows that this case is different. Using the natural gas in the US is more advantageous than exports, both economically and environmentally.”


Environmental and Health Impacts Left Out of the Mix


Environmental groups, including the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) and the Sierra Club, also slammed the study for failing to assess environmental impacts of increased domestic fracking on both the economy and health of local communities in which drilling would occur and on the overall global climate.


The Sierra Club revealed that the NERA study"s main supporting point for a net economic benefit from exports was built on ignoring negative environmental impacts.


Applying federal government estimates, the group calculatedthat the increase in natural gas exports would pump an additional 689,000 tons of methane into the atmosphere each year at a staggering social cost of $ 430,625,000. This additional cost would nullify more than 20 percent of the GDP increase projected in the NERA study, which would shift the slight net gain from exports to a net loss.


Jeff Deyette, a senior energy analyst at the Union of Concerned Scientists, said that methane leakage issues, both in the act of fracking and extraction and in the transport of natural gas, demand greater evaluation.


“Given how potent methane is, even modest amounts could make natural gas as bad or worse than coal from a total greenhouse gas emissions standpoint,” said Deyette.


The NRDC noted the NERA report “ignores environmental externalities, including global warming, air pollution, water pollution and other pollution impacts” and “wholly neglects to estimate public health and environmental damages that are routinely estimated in regulatory impact analyses.”


Henry Henderson, director of the Midwest Program at the Natural Resources Defense Council, noted that the negative drilling impacts on communities don"t show up in GDP estimates or corporate annual reports.


“There are long-term impacts on property values and the economies of rural communities that are not properly measured by simply the cost of selling natural gas on the market,” said Henderson in a recent interview with AlterNet.


“They are jobs that come and go as opposed to impacts that remain in perpetuity,” he said.


This impact has already been seen in states that were home to the early fracking boom, such as Pennsylvania. As a January report by the Center for Public Integrity detailed, the prospect of exporting natural gas was not part of the bargain when Pennsylvanians agreed to open their state to fracking.


So now, adding insult to injury, people in towns who"ve already suffered environmental, health and economic degradation from this extractive process are “surprised, stunned, angry and upset” to discover these same companies not only want to drill in higher volumes but also seek to export the gas without regard for the increased price or the continued negative drilling effects in their communities.


Patzek, of the University of Texas, noted that in later stages of exploitation of a resource such as hydrocarbons, we tend to go from using faraway places with very concentrated hydrocarbons, such as West Texas or the Middle East, to lesser quality, more difficult and dilute resources, which are close to where people live.


“We are at that stage right now and it"s only going to get worse,” he said. “We will be encroaching more and more on where people live.”


Patzek added, “We don"t seem to be able to go beyond the next boom-or-bust cycle and ask for a little bit longer planning. This thought that there is a common good and a common future that we all have has vanished.”



 

Related Stories


AlterNet.org Main RSS Feed



Get Ready for Higher Prices and Less Energy Security: Our Natural Gas Reserves Are Being Plundered For Export

Friday, April 19, 2013

Filmmaker Robert Greenwald on "War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State"



Transcript



This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.



AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González.


JUAN GONZÁLEZ: We turn now to whistleblowers and the unprecedented attack they’ve come under during the Obama administration. Evoking the Espionage Act of 1917, the administration has pressed criminal charges against no fewer than six government employees, more than all previous presidential administrations combined.


AMY GOODMAN: A new film directed by Robert Greenwald looks at four whistleblowers who had their lives practically destroyed after they went to the press with evidence of government wrongdoing. They are Michael DeKort, Thomas Drake, Franz Gayl and Thomas Tamm. In the film, Greenwald also interviews government oversight experts and investigative journalists who warn about the chilling effect prosecutions may have on potential whistleblowers and the journalists who help them. This is the trailer of the film, War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State.


FRANZ GAYL: I had to do something. If not me, then who? I said, “This needs to be fixed.”



THOMAS DRAKE: I thought about various investigative reporters that I would try and contact.



THOMAS TAMM: Once I put the phone down, I was pretty confident that my life would never be quite the same.



MICHAEL DEKORT: I mean, at the end of the day, right, when you make a decision like this, if you’re not prepared to have the worst happen, then really don’t do it at all.



JANE MAYER: These people face a terrifying situation.



REPORTER: Thomas Drake, accused of leaking classified information. Agents raiding his home in Howard County.



THOMAS DRAKE: Eighteen agents, some of them in body armor, had been banging on our front door.



UNIDENTIFIED: Any time anyone takes a step like that, you know that they’ve probably got something important to say, because they are basically wiping away their career.



DANA PRIEST: There are close to a million people who have top-secret clearance.



MICHAEL DEKORT: The Obama administration had cracked down on whistleblowers.



WILLIAM KELLER: They have indicted more people for violating secrecy than all of the previous administrations put together.



UNIDENTIFIED: The number of people who indicated to us they wish they could talk, but they can’t, because they’re so afraid of what could happen to them, it’s a terrible thing for our democracy.



THOMAS DRAKE: So speaking truth to power is now a criminal act.



AMY GOODMAN: Some of those voices, Thomas Drake and William Keller of The New York Times, as well as Jane Mayer of The New Yorker. This is Democracy Now! The trailer of the new documentary, War on Whistleblowers is what you just watched. We’re joined now by its director, Robert Greenwald, and founder and president of Brave New Films, producer, director and activist.


Why did you make this film? You’ve looked at so many other issues. Why whistleblowers, Robert?


ROBERT GREENWALD: Well, there were a few things that came together. What we always try to do in our films is connect the dots and explore how the system is working. So we had the crackdown on whistleblowers, number one, but it wasn’t without reason. It’s very deeply connected to the growth and power of the national security state, which believes completely in secrets. So we had the whistleblowers. We had the national security state. And then we had some incredible investigative journalists being attacked, investigated, threatened, their careers at stake also. So we put all three of those together and made a film which allows people to understand what’s going on and how deeply threatening it is to us, in a kind of drip-drip way, where you don’t always see or understand what’s happening.


JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, Bob, I want to turn to the case of Franz Gayl, a former marine. While working at the Pentagon as a science adviser for the Marine Corps, Gayl volunteered to deploy to Iraq. Upon his return, he alerted the office of the secretary of defense, and later the Congress and the media, to critical equipment shortages. These included mine-resistant, ambush-protected vehicles, or MRAPs. Gayl’s public outcry exposed the fact that the corps had failed to provide marines in Iraq with life-saving technologies. Yet Gayl has been the target of years of retaliatory investigations, workplace harassment, including the elimination of meaningful duties and extended suspension of his security clearances. In this clip, Gayl explains why he made the fateful decision to save lives by requesting MRAPs to replace Humvees in Iraq. Journalist Seymour Hersh is also in this clip.


FRANZ GAYL: I had to do something. If not me, then who? And if not now, then when? It was one of those situations. And I just said, “No, no, no, no. It doesn’t matter what the consequences are, personal or otherwise, right?” I said, “This needs to be fixed.”



SEYMOUR HERSH: Whistleblowers are just people who say there’s something more important here than my boss or the general or the admiral or the president.



FRANZ GAYL: The most common vehicle used was the Humvee. They were never built to withstand weapons that the insurgents were using, these IEDs.



UNIDENTIFIED: The estimates are that about a third of the casualties in Iraq were due to Humvees.



FRANZ GAYL: Hundreds of Marines were tragically lost, probably thousands maimed, unnecessarily. So I said, “Let’s replace the Humvees with what are called MRAPs, mine-resistant, ambush-protected vehicles.” The MRAP was bound to save lives.



JUAN GONZÁLEZ: That was Franz Gayl in the clip from War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State. Robert Greenwald, he was one of the few whistleblowers who actually was able to keep his job, where some of the others have had really terrible times after they did their exposés. Could you talk about that, as well?


ROBERT GREENWALD: Yeah. One of the things that was a common denominator with all the whistleblowers we interviewed is the terrible personal price they paid—even Franz. He was saving lives, literally saving hundreds of lives. He was fired initially. But this is where organizing makes such an incredible impact. Organizations, POGO/GAP got behind him. They worked. People called. They took action. And it really worked. It got him his job back. And it’s important to keep that in mind.


The other cases were horrific. And what is happening over and over again is the Obama administration and previous administrations are literally shooting the messengers—punishing the whistleblowers, trying to pass laws that make it harder for whistleblowers. And look, the only way we find out about the national security state is by these people coming forward.


AMY GOODMAN: Robert Greenwald, part two of this conversation, as we go through the whistleblowers, we’ll post online at democracynow.org. The new film is called War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State.


As we wrap up, Juan, you’re headed out after tomorrow’s show to Chicago and Detroit to speak about Harvest of Empire?


JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Yes, the film is premiering there at the Gene Siskel Film Center on Friday night, and I’ll be there after the 8:15 showing for a Q&A with the audience, and then at Wayne State University at noon on Saturday.


AMY GOODMAN: And we’ll put all the details at our website at democracynow.org.




Powered By WizardRSS.com | Full Text RSS Feed | Amazon Plugin WordPress | Android Forums | WordPress Tutorials

Democracy Now!

Filmmaker Robert Greenwald on "War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State"

Thursday, April 18, 2013

Filmmaker Robert Greenwald on "War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State"



Transcript



This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.



AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González.


JUAN GONZÁLEZ: We turn now to whistleblowers and the unprecedented attack they’ve come under during the Obama administration. Evoking the Espionage Act of 1917, the administration has pressed criminal charges against no fewer than six government employees, more than all previous presidential administrations combined.


AMY GOODMAN: A new film directed by Robert Greenwald looks at four whistleblowers who had their lives practically destroyed after they went to the press with evidence of government wrongdoing. They are Michael DeKort, Thomas Drake, Franz Gayl and Thomas Tamm. In the film, Greenwald also interviews government oversight experts and investigative journalists who warn about the chilling effect prosecutions may have on potential whistleblowers and the journalists who help them. This is the trailer of the film, War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State.


FRANZ GAYL: I had to do something. If not me, then who? I said, “This needs to be fixed.”



THOMAS DRAKE: I thought about various investigative reporters that I would try and contact.



THOMAS TAMM: Once I put the phone down, I was pretty confident that my life would never be quite the same.



MICHAEL DEKORT: I mean, at the end of the day, right, when you make a decision like this, if you’re not prepared to have the worst happen, then really don’t do it at all.



JANE MAYER: These people face a terrifying situation.



REPORTER: Thomas Drake, accused of leaking classified information. Agents raiding his home in Howard County.



THOMAS DRAKE: Eighteen agents, some of them in body armor, had been banging on our front door.



UNIDENTIFIED: Any time anyone takes a step like that, you know that they’ve probably got something important to say, because they are basically wiping away their career.



DANA PRIEST: There are close to a million people who have top-secret clearance.



MICHAEL DEKORT: The Obama administration had cracked down on whistleblowers.



WILLIAM KELLER: They have indicted more people for violating secrecy than all of the previous administrations put together.



UNIDENTIFIED: The number of people who indicated to us they wish they could talk, but they can’t, because they’re so afraid of what could happen to them, it’s a terrible thing for our democracy.



THOMAS DRAKE: So speaking truth to power is now a criminal act.



AMY GOODMAN: Some of those voices, Thomas Drake and William Keller of The New York Times, as well as Jane Mayer of The New Yorker. This is Democracy Now! The trailer of the new documentary, War on Whistleblowers is what you just watched. We’re joined now by its director, Robert Greenwald, and founder and president of Brave New Films, producer, director and activist.


Why did you make this film? You’ve looked at so many other issues. Why whistleblowers, Robert?


ROBERT GREENWALD: Well, there were a few things that came together. What we always try to do in our films is connect the dots and explore how the system is working. So we had the crackdown on whistleblowers, number one, but it wasn’t without reason. It’s very deeply connected to the growth and power of the national security state, which believes completely in secrets. So we had the whistleblowers. We had the national security state. And then we had some incredible investigative journalists being attacked, investigated, threatened, their careers at stake also. So we put all three of those together and made a film which allows people to understand what’s going on and how deeply threatening it is to us, in a kind of drip-drip way, where you don’t always see or understand what’s happening.


JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, Bob, I want to turn to the case of Franz Gayl, a former marine. While working at the Pentagon as a science adviser for the Marine Corps, Gayl volunteered to deploy to Iraq. Upon his return, he alerted the office of the secretary of defense, and later the Congress and the media, to critical equipment shortages. These included mine-resistant, ambush-protected vehicles, or MRAPs. Gayl’s public outcry exposed the fact that the corps had failed to provide marines in Iraq with life-saving technologies. Yet Gayl has been the target of years of retaliatory investigations, workplace harassment, including the elimination of meaningful duties and extended suspension of his security clearances. In this clip, Gayl explains why he made the fateful decision to save lives by requesting MRAPs to replace Humvees in Iraq. Journalist Seymour Hersh is also in this clip.


FRANZ GAYL: I had to do something. If not me, then who? And if not now, then when? It was one of those situations. And I just said, “No, no, no, no. It doesn’t matter what the consequences are, personal or otherwise, right?” I said, “This needs to be fixed.”



SEYMOUR HERSH: Whistleblowers are just people who say there’s something more important here than my boss or the general or the admiral or the president.



FRANZ GAYL: The most common vehicle used was the Humvee. They were never built to withstand weapons that the insurgents were using, these IEDs.



UNIDENTIFIED: The estimates are that about a third of the casualties in Iraq were due to Humvees.



FRANZ GAYL: Hundreds of Marines were tragically lost, probably thousands maimed, unnecessarily. So I said, “Let’s replace the Humvees with what are called MRAPs, mine-resistant, ambush-protected vehicles.” The MRAP was bound to save lives.



JUAN GONZÁLEZ: That was Franz Gayl in the clip from War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State. Robert Greenwald, he was one of the few whistleblowers who actually was able to keep his job, where some of the others have had really terrible times after they did their exposés. Could you talk about that, as well?


ROBERT GREENWALD: Yeah. One of the things that was a common denominator with all the whistleblowers we interviewed is the terrible personal price they paid—even Franz. He was saving lives, literally saving hundreds of lives. He was fired initially. But this is where organizing makes such an incredible impact. Organizations, POGO/GAP got behind him. They worked. People called. They took action. And it really worked. It got him his job back. And it’s important to keep that in mind.


The other cases were horrific. And what is happening over and over again is the Obama administration and previous administrations are literally shooting the messengers—punishing the whistleblowers, trying to pass laws that make it harder for whistleblowers. And look, the only way we find out about the national security state is by these people coming forward.


AMY GOODMAN: Robert Greenwald, part two of this conversation, as we go through the whistleblowers, we’ll post online at democracynow.org. The new film is called War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State.


As we wrap up, Juan, you’re headed out after tomorrow’s show to Chicago and Detroit to speak about Harvest of Empire?


JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Yes, the film is premiering there at the Gene Siskel Film Center on Friday night, and I’ll be there after the 8:15 showing for a Q&A with the audience, and then at Wayne State University at noon on Saturday.


AMY GOODMAN: And we’ll put all the details at our website at democracynow.org.




Powered By WizardRSS.com | Full Text RSS Feed | Amazon Plugin WordPress | Android Forums | WordPress Tutorials

Democracy Now!

Filmmaker Robert Greenwald on "War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State"

Filmmaker Robert Greenwald on "War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State"



Transcript



This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.



AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González.


JUAN GONZÁLEZ: We turn now to whistleblowers and the unprecedented attack they’ve come under during the Obama administration. Evoking the Espionage Act of 1917, the administration has pressed criminal charges against no fewer than six government employees, more than all previous presidential administrations combined.


AMY GOODMAN: A new film directed by Robert Greenwald looks at four whistleblowers who had their lives practically destroyed after they went to the press with evidence of government wrongdoing. They are Michael DeKort, Thomas Drake, Franz Gayl and Thomas Tamm. In the film, Greenwald also interviews government oversight experts and investigative journalists who warn about the chilling effect prosecutions may have on potential whistleblowers and the journalists who help them. This is the trailer of the film, War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State.


FRANZ GAYL: I had to do something. If not me, then who? I said, “This needs to be fixed.”



THOMAS DRAKE: I thought about various investigative reporters that I would try and contact.



THOMAS TAMM: Once I put the phone down, I was pretty confident that my life would never be quite the same.



MICHAEL DEKORT: I mean, at the end of the day, right, when you make a decision like this, if you’re not prepared to have the worst happen, then really don’t do it at all.



JANE MAYER: These people face a terrifying situation.



REPORTER: Thomas Drake, accused of leaking classified information. Agents raiding his home in Howard County.



THOMAS DRAKE: Eighteen agents, some of them in body armor, had been banging on our front door.



UNIDENTIFIED: Any time anyone takes a step like that, you know that they’ve probably got something important to say, because they are basically wiping away their career.



DANA PRIEST: There are close to a million people who have top-secret clearance.



MICHAEL DEKORT: The Obama administration had cracked down on whistleblowers.



WILLIAM KELLER: They have indicted more people for violating secrecy than all of the previous administrations put together.



UNIDENTIFIED: The number of people who indicated to us they wish they could talk, but they can’t, because they’re so afraid of what could happen to them, it’s a terrible thing for our democracy.



THOMAS DRAKE: So speaking truth to power is now a criminal act.



AMY GOODMAN: Some of those voices, Thomas Drake and William Keller of The New York Times, as well as Jane Mayer of The New Yorker. This is Democracy Now! The trailer of the new documentary, War on Whistleblowers is what you just watched. We’re joined now by its director, Robert Greenwald, and founder and president of Brave New Films, producer, director and activist.


Why did you make this film? You’ve looked at so many other issues. Why whistleblowers, Robert?


ROBERT GREENWALD: Well, there were a few things that came together. What we always try to do in our films is connect the dots and explore how the system is working. So we had the crackdown on whistleblowers, number one, but it wasn’t without reason. It’s very deeply connected to the growth and power of the national security state, which believes completely in secrets. So we had the whistleblowers. We had the national security state. And then we had some incredible investigative journalists being attacked, investigated, threatened, their careers at stake also. So we put all three of those together and made a film which allows people to understand what’s going on and how deeply threatening it is to us, in a kind of drip-drip way, where you don’t always see or understand what’s happening.


JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, Bob, I want to turn to the case of Franz Gayl, a former marine. While working at the Pentagon as a science adviser for the Marine Corps, Gayl volunteered to deploy to Iraq. Upon his return, he alerted the office of the secretary of defense, and later the Congress and the media, to critical equipment shortages. These included mine-resistant, ambush-protected vehicles, or MRAPs. Gayl’s public outcry exposed the fact that the corps had failed to provide marines in Iraq with life-saving technologies. Yet Gayl has been the target of years of retaliatory investigations, workplace harassment, including the elimination of meaningful duties and extended suspension of his security clearances. In this clip, Gayl explains why he made the fateful decision to save lives by requesting MRAPs to replace Humvees in Iraq. Journalist Seymour Hersh is also in this clip.


FRANZ GAYL: I had to do something. If not me, then who? And if not now, then when? It was one of those situations. And I just said, “No, no, no, no. It doesn’t matter what the consequences are, personal or otherwise, right?” I said, “This needs to be fixed.”



SEYMOUR HERSH: Whistleblowers are just people who say there’s something more important here than my boss or the general or the admiral or the president.



FRANZ GAYL: The most common vehicle used was the Humvee. They were never built to withstand weapons that the insurgents were using, these IEDs.



UNIDENTIFIED: The estimates are that about a third of the casualties in Iraq were due to Humvees.



FRANZ GAYL: Hundreds of Marines were tragically lost, probably thousands maimed, unnecessarily. So I said, “Let’s replace the Humvees with what are called MRAPs, mine-resistant, ambush-protected vehicles.” The MRAP was bound to save lives.



JUAN GONZÁLEZ: That was Franz Gayl in the clip from War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State. Robert Greenwald, he was one of the few whistleblowers who actually was able to keep his job, where some of the others have had really terrible times after they did their exposés. Could you talk about that, as well?


ROBERT GREENWALD: Yeah. One of the things that was a common denominator with all the whistleblowers we interviewed is the terrible personal price they paid—even Franz. He was saving lives, literally saving hundreds of lives. He was fired initially. But this is where organizing makes such an incredible impact. Organizations, POGO/GAP got behind him. They worked. People called. They took action. And it really worked. It got him his job back. And it’s important to keep that in mind.


The other cases were horrific. And what is happening over and over again is the Obama administration and previous administrations are literally shooting the messengers—punishing the whistleblowers, trying to pass laws that make it harder for whistleblowers. And look, the only way we find out about the national security state is by these people coming forward.


AMY GOODMAN: Robert Greenwald, part two of this conversation, as we go through the whistleblowers, we’ll post online at democracynow.org. The new film is called War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State.


As we wrap up, Juan, you’re headed out after tomorrow’s show to Chicago and Detroit to speak about Harvest of Empire?


JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Yes, the film is premiering there at the Gene Siskel Film Center on Friday night, and I’ll be there after the 8:15 showing for a Q&A with the audience, and then at Wayne State University at noon on Saturday.


AMY GOODMAN: And we’ll put all the details at our website at democracynow.org.




Powered By WizardRSS.com | Full Text RSS Feed | Amazon Plugin WordPress | Android Forums | WordPress Tutorials

Democracy Now!

Filmmaker Robert Greenwald on "War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State"

Filmmaker Robert Greenwald on "War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State"



Transcript



This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.



AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González.


JUAN GONZÁLEZ: We turn now to whistleblowers and the unprecedented attack they’ve come under during the Obama administration. Evoking the Espionage Act of 1917, the administration has pressed criminal charges against no fewer than six government employees, more than all previous presidential administrations combined.


AMY GOODMAN: A new film directed by Robert Greenwald looks at four whistleblowers who had their lives practically destroyed after they went to the press with evidence of government wrongdoing. They are Michael DeKort, Thomas Drake, Franz Gayl and Thomas Tamm. In the film, Greenwald also interviews government oversight experts and investigative journalists who warn about the chilling effect prosecutions may have on potential whistleblowers and the journalists who help them. This is the trailer of the film, War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State.


FRANZ GAYL: I had to do something. If not me, then who? I said, “This needs to be fixed.”



THOMAS DRAKE: I thought about various investigative reporters that I would try and contact.



THOMAS TAMM: Once I put the phone down, I was pretty confident that my life would never be quite the same.



MICHAEL DEKORT: I mean, at the end of the day, right, when you make a decision like this, if you’re not prepared to have the worst happen, then really don’t do it at all.



JANE MAYER: These people face a terrifying situation.



REPORTER: Thomas Drake, accused of leaking classified information. Agents raiding his home in Howard County.



THOMAS DRAKE: Eighteen agents, some of them in body armor, had been banging on our front door.



UNIDENTIFIED: Any time anyone takes a step like that, you know that they’ve probably got something important to say, because they are basically wiping away their career.



DANA PRIEST: There are close to a million people who have top-secret clearance.



MICHAEL DEKORT: The Obama administration had cracked down on whistleblowers.



WILLIAM KELLER: They have indicted more people for violating secrecy than all of the previous administrations put together.



UNIDENTIFIED: The number of people who indicated to us they wish they could talk, but they can’t, because they’re so afraid of what could happen to them, it’s a terrible thing for our democracy.



THOMAS DRAKE: So speaking truth to power is now a criminal act.



AMY GOODMAN: Some of those voices, Thomas Drake and William Keller of The New York Times, as well as Jane Mayer of The New Yorker. This is Democracy Now! The trailer of the new documentary, War on Whistleblowers is what you just watched. We’re joined now by its director, Robert Greenwald, and founder and president of Brave New Films, producer, director and activist.


Why did you make this film? You’ve looked at so many other issues. Why whistleblowers, Robert?


ROBERT GREENWALD: Well, there were a few things that came together. What we always try to do in our films is connect the dots and explore how the system is working. So we had the crackdown on whistleblowers, number one, but it wasn’t without reason. It’s very deeply connected to the growth and power of the national security state, which believes completely in secrets. So we had the whistleblowers. We had the national security state. And then we had some incredible investigative journalists being attacked, investigated, threatened, their careers at stake also. So we put all three of those together and made a film which allows people to understand what’s going on and how deeply threatening it is to us, in a kind of drip-drip way, where you don’t always see or understand what’s happening.


JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, Bob, I want to turn to the case of Franz Gayl, a former marine. While working at the Pentagon as a science adviser for the Marine Corps, Gayl volunteered to deploy to Iraq. Upon his return, he alerted the office of the secretary of defense, and later the Congress and the media, to critical equipment shortages. These included mine-resistant, ambush-protected vehicles, or MRAPs. Gayl’s public outcry exposed the fact that the corps had failed to provide marines in Iraq with life-saving technologies. Yet Gayl has been the target of years of retaliatory investigations, workplace harassment, including the elimination of meaningful duties and extended suspension of his security clearances. In this clip, Gayl explains why he made the fateful decision to save lives by requesting MRAPs to replace Humvees in Iraq. Journalist Seymour Hersh is also in this clip.


FRANZ GAYL: I had to do something. If not me, then who? And if not now, then when? It was one of those situations. And I just said, “No, no, no, no. It doesn’t matter what the consequences are, personal or otherwise, right?” I said, “This needs to be fixed.”



SEYMOUR HERSH: Whistleblowers are just people who say there’s something more important here than my boss or the general or the admiral or the president.



FRANZ GAYL: The most common vehicle used was the Humvee. They were never built to withstand weapons that the insurgents were using, these IEDs.



UNIDENTIFIED: The estimates are that about a third of the casualties in Iraq were due to Humvees.



FRANZ GAYL: Hundreds of Marines were tragically lost, probably thousands maimed, unnecessarily. So I said, “Let’s replace the Humvees with what are called MRAPs, mine-resistant, ambush-protected vehicles.” The MRAP was bound to save lives.



JUAN GONZÁLEZ: That was Franz Gayl in the clip from War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State. Robert Greenwald, he was one of the few whistleblowers who actually was able to keep his job, where some of the others have had really terrible times after they did their exposés. Could you talk about that, as well?


ROBERT GREENWALD: Yeah. One of the things that was a common denominator with all the whistleblowers we interviewed is the terrible personal price they paid—even Franz. He was saving lives, literally saving hundreds of lives. He was fired initially. But this is where organizing makes such an incredible impact. Organizations, POGO/GAP got behind him. They worked. People called. They took action. And it really worked. It got him his job back. And it’s important to keep that in mind.


The other cases were horrific. And what is happening over and over again is the Obama administration and previous administrations are literally shooting the messengers—punishing the whistleblowers, trying to pass laws that make it harder for whistleblowers. And look, the only way we find out about the national security state is by these people coming forward.


AMY GOODMAN: Robert Greenwald, part two of this conversation, as we go through the whistleblowers, we’ll post online at democracynow.org. The new film is called War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State.


As we wrap up, Juan, you’re headed out after tomorrow’s show to Chicago and Detroit to speak about Harvest of Empire?


JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Yes, the film is premiering there at the Gene Siskel Film Center on Friday night, and I’ll be there after the 8:15 showing for a Q&A with the audience, and then at Wayne State University at noon on Saturday.


AMY GOODMAN: And we’ll put all the details at our website at democracynow.org.




Powered By WizardRSS.com | Full Text RSS Feed | Amazon Plugin WordPress | Android Forums | WordPress Tutorials

Democracy Now!

Filmmaker Robert Greenwald on "War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State"